Experts

  • Mark I. Levy, MD, DLFAPA
    Medical Director, Forensic Psychiatrist, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry, Distinguished Life Fellow American Psychiatric Association
  • Sarah A. Hall, PhD
    Adult, Child & Adolescent Forensic Neuropsychologist
  • David Y. Kan, MD
    Forensic Psychiatrist, Addiction Medicine & Substance Abuse Specialist, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry
  • Anlee Kuo, MD, JD
    Child and Adolescent Forensic Psychiatrist, Diplomate American Board of Psychiatry & Neurology (Psychiatry), Board Eligible for Child, Adolescent and Forensic Psychiatry
  • Ronald Roberts, PhD
    Board Certified in Forensic Psychology, American Board of Professional Psychology, American College of Law and Psychology
  • Charles Saldanha, MD
    Forensic Psychiatrist, Acute Care and Emergency Psychiatry, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry

Forensic Psychiatry

What is Forensic Psychiatry?

Forensic psychiatry is the sub specialty of psychiatry dealing with the interface between psychiatry and the law. Forensic psychiatrists serve as consultants and expert witnesses for civil and criminal attorneys, the judiciary, government and non-government agencies, and corporations. Some are involved in treating individuals in correctional institutions or in mandated treatment settings.

As a consultant or expert witness, a forensic psychiatrist is retained when mental health concerns intersect with legal matters. Such areas include criminal responsibility (the “insanity defense”), competencies in both criminal and civil matters, child custody, fitness for duty, dangerousness risk assessment and personal injury including assessment of emotional trauma. The forensic psychiatrist is presented with questions that involve the application of psychiatric medicine, technique and information to legal matters sometimes derived from statute or case law. Ethically, a forensic psychiatric evaluation is  always necessary when addressing diagnostic issues.

A forensic psychiatric evaluation employs in depth interview techniques of clinical psychiatry, but also relies upon collateral sources of information, addresses more prominently the possibility of malingered (feigned) psychiatric illness, and attempts to answer specific medical-legal (psychiatric) questions. The evaluation is not treatment: indeed, the  need for objectivity demands that it be performed outside of a treatment relationship.

In the United States, the practice of forensic psychiatry is governed by a strict code of ethics, derived from the Principles of Medical Ethics as codified by the American Medical Association and as applied to psychiatric practice by the American Psychiatric Association and further modified by the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law ("AAPL"), the most prominent professional organization for Forensic Psychiatry. AAPL is a subsidiary organization of the American Psychiatric Association.

Forensic Psychiatric training is available within a limited number of medical school psychiatry departments as a twelve month, full-time post graduate  fellowship  program for physicians who have already completed four years of residency training, including at least three years in the field of Psychiatry. Following completion of a Forensic Psychiatric Fellowship and passing a comprehensive written examination, the board certification "With Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry" is given to  psychiatrists who are already Diplomates of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology.

Return to topic index

Vexatious Litigants - Litigants Who Won't Accept "No" (or "Yes") for an Answer

By Mark I. Levy MD, DLFAPA

Vexatious litigants[1] are individuals who burden the judicial process by repeatedly filing causes of action that are ultimately found to be without merit. Despite the considerable cost to the judicial system (and ultimately to society) little has been written about vexatious litigation and less has been done to understand the psychological motivations for vexatious litigation in order to better manage the problem. This is partly because in a constitutional democracy everyone is deemed to be "entitled to his (or her) day in court." The federal and state constitutions within the United States jealously protect citizens' right to submit their grievances to our judicial systems in order to resolve civil disputes in a timely and equitable manner. At the same time, the Court, already overburdened with the shear volume of litigation, is charged the responsibility to protect the integrity of our judicial system from abuse by a very small but very troublesome minority of litigants.

Internationally, notably few jurisdictions have attempted to formally address this problem(the exceptions being Australia, The United Kingdom and the State of California). Within the United States, only California has enacted statutory regulation of vexatious litigation.[2]

Forensic psychiatry is a subspecialty of the medical specialty of psychiatry that focuses upon the interface between law and the behavioral sciences. Since 1994, The American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology has offered qualified board certified psychiatrists the opportunity to be examined and if successful to obtain board certification in forensic psychiatry in addition to their certification in adult and/or child and adolescent psychiatry.

Like law, the profession of forensic psychiatry is practically divided between criminal and civil domains. Although there are many common elements between law and the practice of forensic psychiatry within civil and criminal matters, there are also several important differences. Within civil law, vexatious litigation has increasingly been recognized by the judiciary as a difficult problem to manage. Since vexatious litigants frequently represent themselves in propria persona, at least during some of the actions that they attempt to litigate, and since the judiciary has a responsibility to be more accommodating and helpful to such litigants who are not represented by licensed counsel, there Court is faced with a complex dilemma once it becomes apparent that a "pro per" litigant is in fact vexatious.

Only recently, however, have forensic psychiatrists begun to examine the motivations and possible psychopathology driving the litigious behavior of this individuals. The Courts' need to more effectively manage and legislatures' to more effectively regulate individuals who exhibit this problematical behavior. In order to assist the judiciary (as well as the legal profession) to more easily recognize the characteristics individuals fitting this profile, forensic psychiatrists and psychologists need to study and understand more fully the dynamics and motivations for this socially costly and troublesome behavior. This paper is an attempt to examine this infrequently explored terrain.

A triad of behavioral characteristics are frequently demonstrated by vexatious litigants:

1. A history of changing counsel more than once, coupled with at least one episode of representing themselves in Court in propria persona. Not surprisingly, competent counsel generally find a means to ethically remove themselves from the case after a period of poor client control. Sooner or later, usually after a time of appearing "pro per," these litigants find counsel who more or less identify with their client, presumably for reasons having to do with their own personal psychology. The result of this is an attorney-client dyad that is driven by a mission. No client control exists nor is it even recognized by plaintiff's counsel as lacking. Hence no settlement can ever occur.

2. Evidence of narcissistic and paranoid personality traits, obtained from psychiatric examination and psychological testing. These traits are generally manifested by attitudes expressed verbally or behaviorally (e.g., through physical appearance) conveying that the individual considers himself to be an exception, i.e., that the normal rules of behavioral conduct within a judicial process to which all litigants are expected to submit uniquely do not apply to him because he is allegedly special, having suffered abuse, humiliation and/or victimization unduly at the hands of alleged perpetrators, including judges, thereby entitling the vexatious litigant to exceptional status and accommodation by the Court. Not infrequently, although the source of alleged abuse is initially the defendant in a civil action, eventually the Court itself is drawn into this "dance" and is experienced from a paranoid perspective by the litigant, as itself also an abuser. Invariably, this is due to the Court attempting to impose a modicum of decorum on behavior of the litigant by invoking normal procedural requirements. As a result of this transformation of the Court, in the litigant's mind, from arbitrator to oppressor, the Court's responses may eventually be perceived as more persecutory and humiliating than was the alleged conduct of the original defendant.

3. A refusal to settle disputes through customary procedural channels of negotiation and even traditional litigation. These individuals wish to have their alleged suffering, humiliation and victimization witnessed on the stage of litigation. Their common fantasy is that unspecified "others" (the jury, initially the Court itself) will sympathize with suffering and offer some sort of illusoryl vindication and redemption. Consequently, not only do they characteristically refuse to accept negative judicial decisions, sometimes they will reject decisions in their own favor, if they believe that acceptance will terminate the litigation and their chances to obtain the imagined vindication. Although this may superficially appear to be perverse, it is in fact a direct product of their peculiar motivation to litigate in the first place, i.e., to have their alleged victimization witnessed, not to resolve conflict. Of course, such motivation leads to an endless quest because no degree of witnessing and acknowledgment of their pain can ever approach the unconditional love for which they long and thus "restore" the wounded narcissism and damaged self esteem of these individuals. If permitted to do so, they will attempt to appeal trial court decisions to the highest judicial levels.

Judicial Dilemma:

The judicial dilemma is to balance the rights of the individual to have his "day in Court" with the pressure to assure that justice for all is administered in a timely and expeditious manner by keeping judicial calendars moving and trying to urge disputing parties to utilize alternative methods of conflict resolution, To further complicate the task, as a result of a series of revisions of codes of judicial oversight and the evolution of commissions on judicial conduct during recent decades, trial court judges are charged with balancing their judicial demeanor with the requirement that they maintain decorum within the courtroom. When confronted by the behavior of a vexatious litigant, who behaves in a manner signifying that they are an exception to the usual rules of the Court, balancing judicial demeanor with courtroom decorum can present a formidable judicial challenge.

Two instances of where this complex dynamic can strain the litigation management skills of even the most experienced judge include civil cases brought by vexatious litigants and the emotionally charged disputes, including custody matters,  that are brought before a Family Court. In the former instance, as already mentioned, the litigant vehemently resists normal judicial suggestion and even the requirement that they engage in good faith in a process of alternative conflict resolution. Such efforts are perceived by these litigants as a threat to sustaining the ongoing litigation process which, as described above, for the vexatious litigant is an end unto itself. In the latter instance, custody battles and parental misconduct allegations are often presented in the service of punishing the other party. In the extreme, it is not unknown in family court for even a spousal batterer to attempt to highjack the Court proceedings as a way to continue their domination and victimization of their abused spouse.


[1] Vexatious litigation is legal action which is brought, regardless of its merits, solely to harass or subdue an adversary. It may take the form of a primary frivolous lawsuit or may be the repetitive, burdensome, and unwarranted filing of meritless motions in a matter which is otherwise a meritorious cause of action. It is considered an abuse of the judicial process and almost always brings down sanctions on the offender.

[2] Under California law (Code of Civil Procedure, section 391(b)) a vexatious litigant is someone in at least one of the following categories:

1. In the immediately preceding seven-year period has commenced, prosecuted, or maintained in propria persona at least five litigations other than in a small claims court that have been (i) finally determined adversely to the person or (ii) unjustifiably permitted to remain pending at least two years without having been brought to trial or hearing.

2. After a litigation has been finally determined against the person, (he or she) repeatedly relitigates or attempts to relitigate, in propria persona, either (i) the validity of the determination against the same defendant or defendants as to whom the litigation was finally determined or (ii) the cause of action, claim, controversy, or any of the issues of fact or law, determined or concluded by the final determination against the same defendant or defendants as to whom the litigation was finally determined.

3. In any litigation while acting in propria persona, repeatedly files unmeritorious motions, pleadings, or other papers, conducts unnecessary discovery, or engages in other tactics that are frivolous or solely intended to cause unnecessary delay.

4. Has previously been declared to be a vexatious litigant by any state or federal court of record in any action or proceeding based upon the same or substantially similar facts, transaction, or occurrence.

Return to topic index

Assessing the Truth: How Forensic Psychiatrists & Psychologists Evaluate Litigants

Forensic psychiatrist Mark Levy MD and forensic neuropsychologist Ronald Roberts, PhD co-authored an article for San Francisco Attorney Magazine, Spring, May 2008. In it, they explain the process and methods used by forensic behavioral experts when conducting an evaluation of an individual as part of a legal proceeding. Download a pdf version of the article here.

Return to topic index

Moms Who Kill: When Depression Turns Deadly

by Mark I. Levy, MD, Deborah Michelle Sanders, Esq. and Stacy Sabraw
Psychology Today
December 2002
reprinted with permission

Summary: Postpartum mood disorders are more common than we realize: Up to 80 percent of new mothers experience mild depression within a year of giving birth. If the "baby blues" persist, depression can escalate to dangerous levels, influencing some women to experience psychosis and-in rare and tragic cases-to kill their offspring.

Postpartum mood disorders are more common than we realize: Up to 80 percent of new mothers experience mild depression within a year of giving birth. If the "baby blues" persist, depression can escalate to dangerous levels, influencing some women to experience psychosis and-in rare and tragic cases-to kill their offspring.

During the first six weeks after giving birth, Jennifer Moyer was grateful for her beautiful new son and supportive husband. Yet she wasn't herself. She felt somewhat irritable and was having difficulty sleeping. And just after her first postpartum physical checkup, things began to unravel-and fast. The feeling that some unnamed harm was coming to her son overwhelmed her; she became hyperprotective, not allowing anyone-even her husband-to hold the baby. One month later, after three sleepless nights, anxiety and fear consumed her to a point where her son had to be physically removed from her, and she was forcibly taken to the hospital. Moyer was in the throes of postpartum psychosis.

The focus of a lot of media attention recently, this illness gained a voice largely due to the story of Andrea Yates, the woman found guilty of drowning her five children in a bathtub in Texas last year. Yates, who has a long history of mental illness, confessed to jurors that Satan had ordered her to kill her children. Though diagnosed with postpartum psychosis, she was judged capable of discerning right from wrong and sentenced to life in prison.

Despite considerable research into the nature of postpartum mood disorders, there is still no clear medical consensus on what causes it and how it should be treated. "Having grown up expecting motherhood to be one of the best times of life, many women suffer alone, feeling miserable but unaware that postpartum mood disorders have a name," explains Karen Kleiman, M.S.W., founder and director of the Postpartum Stress Center in Philadelphia.

Discerning Symptoms

As many as 50 to 80 percent of all women experience some degree of emotional "letdown" following childbirth-the so-called "baby blues." Fortunately, its more extreme sister disorder, postpartum psychosis, is rare, affecting only about one in 1,000 new mothers.

The baby blues, though, are common for numerous reasons. The baby's crying and the mother's interrupted sleep and soreness from breast-feeding are enough to make any woman feel irritable, if not overwhelmed and tearful. These feelings typically begin three to four days after the baby is born, according to Kleiman, but normally dissipate on their own within a few weeks.

If the blues last for more than two weeks, however, the new mother may be suffering from a condition of intermediate severity, postpartum depression (PPD), a mood disorder on par with clinical depression. Twelve to 16 percent of women experience PPD, which results in feelings of despondency, inadequacy as a mother, impaired concentration or memory and/or loss of interest or pleasure in activities.

Some women, like Moyer, also become paralyzed with fear and concern for the baby's safety. If such symptoms appear, it is important to seek professional consultation to help differentiate PPD from other conditions such as obsessive-compulsive disorder. Symptoms of anxiety are frequently an aspect of clinical depression, but true obsessive-compulsive symptoms signify a different disorder that needs proper diagnosis and treatment.

Shoshana Bennett, Ph.D., a special-education teacher, began suffering from these types of anxious feelings almost immediately after giving birth. "I felt helpless and hopeless," Bennett says now. "I was so afraid someone was going to hurt my baby that every day after my husband went to work, I would place all movable furniture behind the front door."

Though debilitating, the emotional reactions to being a new mom that signify depression are not as severe as those associated with postpartum psychosis, of which the predominant symptom is a "break" with reality-a loss of the ability to discern what is real from what is not. For instance, a woman with PPD may experience violent thoughts about her baby but recognizes that those thoughts are wrong and potentially dangerous. In that case, she will not act on them.

A woman with full-fledged psychosis, however, has temporarily lost the judgment needed to make this assessment. Very often, a woman with psychosis experiences a frightening sense of merging-she can't differentiate between where she ends and where her baby begins. Psychotic merger is so terrifying that she may try to avoid losing her sense of self by either committing suicide or infanticide, also known as suicide by proxy.

This was the case with Andrea Yates, whose suicide attempts ended with the deliberate drowning of her children. Perhaps, in her mind, to prevent the "loss of self," she was compelled to kill her children or herself, or both.

Infanticide is a very rare phenomenon; only about 4 percent of women who become psychotic kill their babies. Perhaps even fewer tragedies would occur if proper education and treatment were more readily available.

Researchers who study infanticide distinguish several different groups of parents who murder their offspring. Some kill as a result of psychotic delusions-the dread of parent-child merger or the belief that the child is trying to harm or kill them. Others murder their children out of profound depression and hopelessness. Often they carry strong religious ideas that killing their child will enable them both to enter an afterlife more peaceful than their current life. Susan Smith, the South Carolina mother who attempted to drown herself and her children by driving her automobile into a lake, may be an example of someone in this group. Although Smith ended up killing her children but not herself.

Tragically, there are also parents who kill their children out of vengeance and rage against the other parent. They want to hurt the other parent by depriving them of their most cherished relationship. This type of infanticide is committed far more frequently by fathers.

Assessing the Source

As with most mental illnesses, what causes the onset of postpartum mood disorders is still a matter of research and debate. Much of the medical community believes these syndromes may be caused by chemical imbalances in the brain-specifically shifts in hormone levels. According to Postpartum Support International (PSI), a network of mental health professionals and others concerned with promoting postpartum mental health and social support, the most well-researched theory to date suggests that a sharp drop in estrogen and progesterone following delivery is the culprit.

Research currently under way at the National Institute of Mental Health is examining these hormone-mediated mood shifts and Victor Pop, Ph.D., of the University of Tilburg in the Netherlands, recently presented his own findings at the annual meeting of London's Royal College of Psychiatrists, suggesting that women who produce certain thyroid antibodies during pregnancy were nearly- three times more likely to experience depression after childbirth.

"I think there will be a role for hormones in treating postpartum illnesses in the future," says Valerie Raskin, M.D., clinical associate professor at the University of Chicago. "[Hormones] will probably be used as a treatment first, then later as a preventive measure. The reproductive process may be the kindling, and the drop in hormones after childbirth may be the ember that starts the fire."

Various nonhormonal factors may also contribute to postpartum disorders of mood. Some studies suggest a relationship between a traumatic obstetric experience and PPD. Women who had caesarean deliveries, for instance, were significantly more susceptible to mood disorders as noted in one study appearing in the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry.

Thyroid disease may also be a physiological trigger, suggests research by Stephen Pariser, M.D., a psychiatrist and mood-disorders specialist at Ohio State University Medical Center. Women's thyroid levels drop significantly after giving birth, and low thyroid levels have long been associated with depression-like symptoms. Having a personal or family history of mood disorders also increases the odds of developing PPD, pointing to a possible genetic factor.

Women who develop PPD or postpartum psychosis following delivery have a significantly greater risk of developing these conditions after subsequent childbirth. These women should be counseled about future pregnancies. If they do conceive additional children, careful psychiatric monitoring is mandatory.

Certainly, social elements also play an integral role in postpartum well-being. One important factor is a lack of social support, which includes poor relationships with others and insufficient childcare during the pre- and postnatal period. Strong support systems can help nurture and maintain self-esteem at stressful times, Kleiman asserts. "In turn, high levels of self-esteem are linked with adaptive coping behaviors-feeling entitled to ask for help, for example."

As a society, we tend to romanticize motherhood, creating a disparity between a woman's expectations and the reality that she will experience. "Society reinforces the myth of the perfect baby in the arms of the perfect mother, with all her maternal instincts intact," says Kleiman. "When there is a significant discrepancy between what a woman anticipates and what she actually experiences, guilt, confusion and great unhappiness can result."

In addition to societal pressures, personal adversities such as loss of a loved one, marital conflict or lack of financial security, can put some women at greater risk, according to PSI. Lifestyle and role changes also create internal conflict and stress: A new mother may lose the independence, spontaneity, personal time, sleep and physical shape that she once had, along with her role as an attention-drawing pregnant woman or as a career woman. Finally, she may simply miss adult company in general. "Women with PPD will find adapting to these losses especially difficult," Kleiman notes, "because of their increased vulnerability."

Mending Mothers

Most experts agree that combining talk therapy with medication seems the most successful approach to treating PPD. "Medication is warranted," Raskin explains, "because the situation is urgent and the quickest treatment makes sense." Depending upon the patient, psychotherapy may be combined with both group support and medication, which is prescribed according to the patient's individual symptoms while monitoring the various drugs' side effects.

The most commonly prescribed are the newer antidepressants including Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, Celexa, Wellbutrin, Serzone and Effexor, as well as anti--anxiety drugs such as Ativan, Lorazepam and Klonopin. When the underlying cause of PPD is bipolar affective disorder, mood stabilizers-Lithium or Depakote, for instance-are also appropriate.

For women experiencing postpartum psychosis, more aggressive treatment is required. These mothers may be a threat to both themselves and their babies. Psychiatric hospitalization, as well as anti-psychotic and other psychiatric medications, is standard treatment along with individual, group or cognitive behavioral psychotherapy.

And because at least half of women with PPD experience a recurrence of the illness after having another child, responsible parenting necessitates careful thought and medical planning before deciding to get pregnant again. Once PPD is present, "all resources must go toward treating the mother," advises Raskin. "Stress of any sort, including the stress of caring for children, will prevent the mother from healing."

Preventing PPD

Effective prevention would help render treatment less necessary, avert emotional damage to children and potentially save lives. Shoshana Bennett is one mother who might have benefited from preventive measures. Instead, her childbirth classes concentrated on breathing techniques and what to pack for the hospital. And during her first postpartum checkup, Bennett's obstetrician glossed over her weight gain of 40 pounds and uncontrollable weepiness.

When Bennett mentioned to her family that she was having a difficult time, her mother-in-law-a postpartum nurse for 20 years-told Bennett's husband, "Shoshana is a mother now. She needs to stop complaining and just do it." Bennett's own mother was supportive but, despite her background in therapy, failed to recognize the signs of serious emotional illness. Bennett also began seeing a psychologist, who only probed for issues in her past. Eventually, about two years after the birth of each of her two children, Bennett's obsessive concerns finally faded on their own.

Several years later, Bennett happened to see a television program on postpartum depression. "I cried for an hour, looked at my husband and said, 'That's me!'" she says. Afterward, she earned her Ph.D. in clinical psychology and founded a self-help group for postpartum disorder sufferers. Then in 1992, she was named president of the Post-partum Health Alliance, a California state organization.

Today, the discussion of postpartum mood disorders is often inadequate in reference manuals. General physicians can find the terms postnatal depression, postpartum depression and puerperal psychosis in the International Classification of Diseases manual, says Cheryl Meyer, Ph.D., J.D., an associate psychology professor at Wright State University in Dayton, Ohio. "However, they may only use these diagnoses for patients whose symptoms do not meet criteria for other disorders, such as depression," she explains.

Jennifer Moyer, now a coordinator for PSI and a postpartum support consultant, understands firsthand why medical professionals need to pay more attention to postpartum mood disorders. For her, recovery came after two years of medication, therapy and family support, and she believes that talking to someone who has experienced a severe postpartum mood disorder firsthand is essential for recovery. She now combines her own experience with her background in health care marketing to advocate for education and prenatal and postnatal screening.

Until the health insurance industry and government agencies are willing to allocate sufficient resources to guarantee the presence of skilled psychiatrists and psychologists on pre- and postnatal-care teams, assessing and treating postpartum mood disorders will continue to fall through the cracks. Both Moyer and Bennett join other health care professionals in the hope that efforts to focus on women's emotional needs before and after pregnancy will gain momentum. This effort will help other women and their families avoid disabling yet treatable illnesses or, tragically, from having to endure another preventable murder of an innocent infant.

Mark Levy, M.D., FAPA, is an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at the University of California at San Francisco.

Attorney Deborah Sanders, Esq., practices law in San Francisco.

Stacy Sabraw is a freelance journalist based in New York City.

© Copyright 2001-2002 Sussex Publishers

Return to topic index

The "Eggshell Plaintiff" Revisited: Causation of Mental Damages in Civil Litigation

The Commission on Mental and Physical Disability Law Reporter
by Mark I. Levy, MD, FAPA and Saul E. Rosenberg, PhD

Download EggshellPlaintiff.pdf

Return to topic index

Overcoming Obstacles to the Independent Examination of Emotional Damages Defense

Comment
Spring 2004
by Saul Rosenberg, PhD & Mark Levy, MD

Download OvercomingObstacles.pdf

Return to topic index

Shrink in the Courtroom: Forensic Psychiatry and Law

by Mark Levy, M.D.

This is the first in a series of articles about forensic psychiatry as it is utilized in civil litigation. In this article, I will describe how a forensic psychiatrist can be useful to trial attorneys in civil litigation whenever there are allegations of emotional damages.

What Is Forensic Psychiatry?

Forensic psychiatry is the application of psychiatric clinical knowledge and research to the practice of law where plaintiff’s (or criminal defendant’s) mental status is at issue. The forensic psychiatrist is an expert at making diagnostic and prognostic judgments that are informed by scientific research and clinical experience about whether a plaintiff’s subjectively experienced emotional distress and/or functional impairment can be plausibly related to the alleged accident, injury, or tort. In addition, the forensic psychiatrist considers whether and to what degree other factors (the patient’s pre-existing condition, the plaintiff’s motivation to seek compensation or to punish the defendant, the plaintiff’s legitimate righteous indignation at being wronged with an appropriate wish to seek justice and reparation, or some combination of any of the above) are entering into the plaintiff’s assertion that (s)he has been psychologically damaged and, were it not for the defendant’s action or conduct, the plaintiff would not be suffering from the particular condition that (s)he has alleged.

Forensic Psychiatry and Civil Law: Motivation

In addition to expertise in diagnosing mental disorders, the forensic psychiatrist has expertise in assessing motivation. A plaintiff’s motivation be outright malingering (faking an injury or psychiatric illness) to make money to wanting to financially and judicially punish the defendant for alleged moral wrongs. At the opposite end of the spectrum, an injured plaintiff seeks damages to obtain necessary medical care and, as much as possible, restore his or her life to its pre-injury status. Not infrequently, a combination of these factors are at work. Teasing out the plaintiff’s motivation requires a considerable amount of clinical experience, skill, and acumen, as well as a familiarity with applicable law.

A prospective client tells you he has suffered severe emotional stress (with or without physical injury) as a result of a car accident, or his employer’s actions, or his insurance company, or his doctor, or a drunk driver, or anyone who has damaged, hurt, or injured him by accident, through negligent conduct or any other reason. If you are deciding whether to represent him, or if you are defending your client against his claim of personal injury, how do you assess whether or not the plaintiff is indeed suffering from a psychiatric disorder or injury and, if he is, how do you assess whether it was causally related to the alleged incident or conduct by the defendant? In essence, you have questions about causation and psychological damages. How do you determine the truth?

Only a forensic psychiatrist (or forensic psychologist) has the necessary training and experience to assess the plaintiff’s psychological and psychiatric status at the present time, to make inferences about the plaintiff’s emotional state at the time of the accident or injury, and to determine if there is a plausible connection between that accident or injury and the plaintiff’s current mental state. Among the questions usually addressed by a forensic psychiatrist I in civil litigation are the following:

  • Is this particular plaintiff suffering from a recognized mental disorder? That is, what is the diagnosis, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Psychiatric Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision, 2000 (DSM-IV(TR)?
  • If (s)he is indeed suffering from a disorder, was that disorder caused or exacerbated by the events, incidents, or issues under dispute in the present lawsuit?
  • Were there pre-existing psychological problems or psychiatric illnesses in the plaintiff’s medical history that were likely to have caused present symptoms of “damages,” even if the event(s) under dispute had never occurred?
  • Specifically, does the plaintiff have a pre-existing personality disorder or other mental condition that predisposes the plaintiff to their current psychiatric symptoms and that may be at least as much the proximate cause of the current symptoms as were the incidents under dispute?
  • Or, was the plaintiff functioning adequately prior to the event and, were it not for the disputed incident(s) or event(s), would still be functioning adequately and without significant impairment?
  • What is the most appropriate type and duration of treatment recommended for the plaintiff’s mental disorder(s)?
  • What is the likely cost of such treatment?
  • To what extent (if any) and in what manner should the liability (and cost) of the plaintiff’s damages and future treatment be apportioned among various defendants, or between pre- and post-incident causative factors?

These can be weighty questions with significant financial and emotional consequences for both parties in a dispute. It goes without saying that the forensic psychiatrist must proceed cautiously and comprehensively when evaluating the entire range of data relevant to the plaintiff’s psychological complaints, including all medical records (including those predating the dispute), all relevant deposition transcripts, and other documentary evidence. Ultimately, the forensic psychiatrist must present the data and his conclusions with reasonable medical certainty (i.e., with more than a fifty percent probability of accuracy).

The “Crumbling Skull” Plaintiff

Paget’s Disease of Bone is the prototype for the “crumbling skull” plaintiff. In Paget’s Disease, a progressive, degenerative condition of the skeletal system, bones become fragile and break repeatedly in the normal course of daily activities of living, such as something as innocuous as bumping into a doorway. Consequently, whether or not the event(s) alleged to have “caused” a fracture actually occurred, the Paget’s Disease plaintiff will continuously suffer broken bones over time regardless of what traumatic events do or do not befall them.

There are chronic, pre-existing psychiatric conditions that metaphorically mimic this bone disease. For example, a schizophrenic passenger in a bus collision may experience hallucinations and delusions after the accident. However, to argue that the accident was the proximate cause of his psychotic symptoms is to ascend a slippery and dangerous slope. In all likelihood, the chronic mentally ill plaintiff experienced similar mental symptoms prior to the accident and would have continued to do so throughout the course of his life, whether or not the bus collision had ever occurred.

The “Thin Skull” Plaintiff

Another bone disease, Osteogenesis Imperfecta (in which bone tissue is congenitally thin, fragile, and subject to easy fracture in particular places), is the prototype for “thin skull” plaintiffs.

For example, an attractive, seductively dressed thirty-something female sales employee of a large corporation is allegedly exposed to off-color sexual banter and subsequently overt sexual propositions by her middle-aged, male supervisor. Eventually, they date and have sexual intercourse on several occasions. While an employee, she never files a complaint of sexual harassment with the firm’s human resources department. However, during a period of company cost reduction, she is terminated. She sues alleging wrongful termination, sexual harassment, sexual abuse, and gender discrimination. She argues that she was fired when several male co-workers were retained due to gender discrimination, that she was subjected to a hostile work environment, and that her sexual activity with her supervisor was a quid pro quo that she believed was necessary in order to keep her job. The supervisor argues that she was sexually seductive toward him in her dress and behavior, that there was never any harassment or coercion, that their subsequent sexual activity was entirely consensual, and that she was terminated from her position due to her marginal sales performance. In essence, it is her word against his.

Defense argues that plaintiff had no objection to the sexual activity prior to being fired, that the allegations of sexual harassment and discrimination were manufactured, and that the filing of her lawsuit was either simple retaliation for being fired with cause or frank malingering in order to obtain monetary compensation. They do not retain a forensic psychiatric expert. Plaintiff’s counsel does retain a forensic psychiatrist who, in the course of conducting an in-depth independent psychiatric examination, learns that as a child, plaintiff was regularly molested by her alcoholic stepfather over a period of seven years, and that she complied with his sexual demands in order to keep the peace in the family and protect her mother and younger brother from his alcoholic rages and physical abuse. The records of a child protection service investigation report on plaintiff’s childhood abuse are produced during discovery.

As a result of the forensic psychiatric expert’s report, plaintiff’s counsel argues that his client is a psychologically “thin skull” plaintiff who was particularly vulnerable to the sexual overtures of a male supervisor because her childhood experiences had “taught” her to comply with the sexual overtures of male authority figures in order to prevent more frightening consequences from occurring. Should the defense make a substantial offer to try and settle this case? Who is a jury likely to believe?

The Paranoid Litigant

A trial attorney once quipped to me when I was discussing my interest in paranoid litigants, “Is there any other kind?” Despite the possible truth in this somewhat cynical remark, paranoid litigants need to be identified and correctly understood in order to cautiously screen their allegations before taking them on as clients and in order to effectively defend their lawsuits. Regrettably, they may contribute to the crowding of judicial calendars, cost the courts and their communities substantial sums of money, represent themselves pro se and not infrequently sue their former counsel. In addition, they are also excellent examples of psychologically “crumbling skull” plaintiffs.

Paranoid and narcissistic personality disorders are a special category of psychiatric “crumbling skull” plaintiffs. Those litigants with these DSM-IV Axis II diagnoses have long standing, psychological difficulties, often exhibit self-defeating strategies of living, feel chronically victimized, suffer from fragile self-esteem, and consistently externalize blame and responsibility for difficulties that befall them, even when they have instigated the very conditions by which they feel victimized. A paranoid plaintiff who, while representing herself pro se after firing one attorney and before retaining the next, provocatively insulted the judge in a law and motion hearing by calling him “senile,” but subsequently felt persecuted and enraged when the judge decided most of the motions presented in favor of the defense.

Paranoid litigants aggressively appeal adverse decisions to the highest judicial levels if permitted and consequently cost themselves, their families, and the judicial system considerable amounts of time and money. They frequently represent themselves pro se, at least during a portion of their litigation, and when they eventually do retain counsel, they not infrequently replace their attorneys during the course of litigation. It is not unheard of for them to sue their former counsel over disputed billing or alleged acts of legal malpractice.

When their complaints include emotional damages, they invariably cite DSM-IV Axis I, acute psychiatric disorders such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder or Major Depression. They never attribute their alleged suffering to their underlying, long-standing, personality disorder. Nevertheless, it is in fact their paranoid and narcissistic personalities that inevitably drive their litigious activities. This dimension of their psychological make-up must be delineated and addressed by a forensic psychiatric expert in order to present to presentan effective defense of their allegations.

Personality disorders are pathological, long-standing, chronic, fixed mental conditions. Plaintiffs with paranoid and/or narcissistic personality disorders may attempt to use the judicial system to seek external remedies for their own internal psychological problems. Short of declaring a plaintiff a “vexatious litigant,” the courts and public agencies are relatively helpless to defend their crowded calendars and fixed budgets against judicial abuse by paranoid litigants because of the overarching legal value that “everyone deserves his day in court.”

Unfortunately, plaintiffs who suffer from a paranoid or narcissistic personality disorder almost never seek psychological treatment for their underlying problem. Rather, they attempt to externalize blame via litigation in an ongoing quest for external restitution and vindication of their internal psychological wounds. Furthermore, these “wrongs” are frequently experienced by the plaintiff as a “moral” assault, which in turn fuels the plaintiff’s sense of righteous indignation. As trial attorneys know from bitter experience, client control can be difficult with these plaintiffs, and seeking a settlement can feel like playing against a perpetually moving goal post.

During the litigation process itself, these plaintiffs are subject to bouts of emotional instability, anxiety, and narcissistic rage whenever others, including the court itself, oppose their self-declared “just” cause, or simply do not interpret events, the law, or even reality, exactly as the plaintiffs believe they should. Paranoid and narcissistic plaintiffs tend to see the world, including the judicial world, in strictly black and white terms and have little tolerance for ambiguity, uncertainty, or even their own frustration.

It is therefore important for plaintiff’s counsel to consider these issues when seeking an evaluation of a client in order to separate those litigants who have the above personal traits, without a reasonable cause of action, from plaintiffs who may have entirely legitimate grievances as well as a pre-existing personality disorder. A plaintiff may have a paranoid personality, and may also have been legitimately wronged; telling the difference between that type of litigant and one who merely believes they were wronged and is engaged in an endless quest to seek restitution for old hurts and insults requires expert evaluation and judgment.

The forensic psychiatrist has a crucial role in civil litigation where alleged psychiatric illness and motivation are important issues. In retaining a forensic psychiatrist, counsel should look for highly experienced clinicians who are familiar with legal issues, can weigh evidence and present logical and compelling explanations for their opinions based on the evidence in the case and the background of scientific knowledge pertaining to mental disorders and human motivation.

This article is the first in a series. Subsequent articles will examine such topics as expert psychological testing and opinion; federal anti-discrimination and entitlement laws, including the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), The Fair Housing Amendment Act, The Age Discrimination and Employment Act (ADEA), The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), and the Social Security Laws; determinations of testamentary capacity; questions of civil commitment and involuntary hospitalization and treatment; evaluation of children being adjudicated within the juvenile court system; child abuse and neglect; and child custody in divorce.

I wish to particularly thank my colleague and friend Saul Rosenberg, Ph.D. for his considerable assistance with the preparation of this article.

Mark Levy, M.D., a Fellow of the American Psychiatric Association, is a psychoanalyst and for more than twenty-five years has been in full-time private practice of general and forensic psychiatry in Mill Valley, California. He is certified by the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology in both General Psychiatry and Forensic Psychiatry. He is on the clinical faculty of the Department of Psychiatry at the University of California-San Francisco, where he teaches in the Forensic Psychiatry Fellowship. He also maintains a website on law and psychiatry at www.lawandpsychiatry.com. He can be reached at mark@levymd.com. Please feel write to him care of San Francisco Attorney with particular questions, comments, or topical requests.

Return to topic index

Supreme Court Ruling: Jaffee v. Redmond, 1996

This article is a reprint of the one which first appeared in the San Francisco Recorder on 07/24/96

Though recently protected from disclosure in the federal courts, therapists' records remain under siege by insurance companies

By: Mark Levy, M.D.

Confidentiality is the core of a patient/therapist relationship. Trust, the very foundation of therapy, is eroded by a threat to privacy.

And in June, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that all psychotherapist-patient communication is protected from compelled disclosure in federal courts. The ruling in Jaffee v. Redmond, 1996 WL 315841, marks an enormous victory for patient confidentiality -- but it does nothing to protect patients from insurance companies, Medicare and other organizations and agencies.

Inspectors from a major insurance company -- Albany, N.Y.- based Physicians Health Plan -- regularly monitor therapists' record-keeping by entering offices and reading files. Even the federal government's Health Care Financing Administration has claimed that inspectors from Medicare insurers have the right to read therapists' records to assure that Medicare patients receive the same treatment as others. This sham explanation hides the insurers' true goal -- to invade the doctor-patient privilege. Because of the possibility of such inspections, some therapists now routinely decline to see any patients covered under the Medicare program. Forget whether patients can trust that their therapy is confidential -- they may not get the treatment they need in the first place.

In managed care, mental health professionals are required to state a specific diagnosis and treatment plan to obtain authorization for what is usually a very brief period of care. It is virtually impossible for a patient to give informed consent to this release of information: When an individual is hurting, her priority is to make the pain go away, not to think about the implications of disclosure.

For example, many people occasionally think about suicide, if only in passing. If the psychotherapist notes every instance of suicidal thoughts, the patient might be branded as a suicide risk and subsequently denied life insurance. A patient can't validly consent to allow access to sensitive information if that patient cannot fully comprehend the consequences of his decision.

If you think the assault on patient confidentiality is a purely hypothetical one, consider a suit brought by a coalition of groups helping AIDS patients in Boston. The suit was aimed at stopping auditors at the Department of Health and Human Services from disseminating the names of AIDS patients to various government agencies. Worse, according to Time magazine, several years ago a banker who served on a state health commission obtained a list of every cancer patient in his community and proceeded to call in their loans. The banker's name was not made public, and he was never punished.

The Dangers Of Progress

Many states, including California, are considering the development of a comprehensive, computerized database for medical records. Maryland's Health Care Access and Cost Commission, which is responsible for annually reporting variations in fees charged and the use of physician services, has already done so.

Placing medical information in centralized computer systems may improve efficiency, but it raises privacy concerns. Such records are useful only if they are widely accessible. Though Maryland's HCACC maintains that confidentiality is protected because each patient is identified by an encrypted number, opponents say the main threat to security comes from within.

"The larger the scope of the [HCACC]'s activities, the larger number of insiders who may become involved. As long as data are considered valuable by some parties . . . there will be security risks," according to professor Beverly Woodward of Brandeis University, who is writing a book about medical databases.

To combat the threat to confidentiality, the American Psychoanalytic Association, affiliated with the San Francisco Psychoanalytic Institute and the San Francisco Foundation for Psychoanalysis, has recommended an extreme, but logical solution -- that therapists keep no record of individual treatment sessions. Issues of privacy are most pronounced for those patients seeking psychoanalysis, where disclosing intimate details is an integral part of treatment.

While the Jaffee v. Redmond decision guards patient privacy in federal courts, it does not protect sensitive information from other prying eyes.

AUTHOR: Mark Levy, M.D., is an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at the UCSF School of Medicine and president of the San Francisco Foundation for Psychoanalysis.

The Supreme Court ruling in the Jaffee v. Redmond Case

On June 13, 1995 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that the communication between a licensed psychotherapist and a patient (for diagnosis or treatment) is PRIVILEGED and that the therapist cannot be compelled to reveal the content of such communication in a Federal court without the patientÕs consent.

This milestone ruling, in effect, creates a new privilege in law at the Federal level. The ruling is particularly strong in that it is not left to the descretion of judges in individual cases to decide whether the need for evidence in a particular case should override the patient's virtually absolute privilege of blocking all access to such material.

Return to topic index

When is a Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Claim Legitimate...and When Is It Not?

When is a Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Claim Legitimate...and When Is It Not?

by Mark I. Levy, M.D.  Asst. Clinical Professor Psychiatry

University of California San Francisco

School of Medicine

(expanded version of article published in For the Defense,  November 1995)

In prehistoric times, when our earliest ancestors lived in dread of their mortal enemy, the saber-toothed tiger, those cave men (and women) who were fortunate enough to be genetically endowed with the quickest “fight or flight” reactions survived, and became our ancestors. That’s where the story begins... a story which flourishes today in a medical-legal climate where Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) claims comprise  a substantial and costly portion of personal injury and employment litigation....

INTRODUCTION

Until recent years, personal injury claims generally alleged orthopedic  injuries from automobile, industrial or slip and fall accidents. A small portion alleged neurological injuries, but those involving the brain were limited to closed head injuries and brain trauma: mental trauma, i.e., psychological injury, was rarely a basis for litigated claims. However, the recent  sea change in our cultural and social attitudes has resulted in an epidemic of psychological injury claims not only in connection with personal injury suits but also as a by-product of “repressed memory/false memory” hysteria as well as in the field of employment law where sexual harassment and discrimination claims alleging PTSD are growing with leaps and bounds. The dramatic size of  several recent psychological injury/ sexual harassment awards (e.g. $7 million punitive damages against the San Francisco law firm Baker and Mckenzie)  has not escaped the attention of trial attorneys. As a result, the plaintiff’s bar is developing increased psychological sophistication, both in selecting cases and litigating them. Consequently, in  both Personal Injury and Employment Law, Psychological Injuries now comprise an important component of claims. This change in the litigation climate makes it essential for both insurance and employment law defense counsel, as well as  claims adjusters, to become knowledgeable about the medical-legal concept of mental trauma.

Among the various psychiatric diagnoses found in psychological injury claims, the major stress diagnosis, PTSD, is one of the most highly compensated. Consequently, in recent years natural disasters (such as earthquakes, floods or fires) or man-made disasters (such as airplane crashes, industrial accidents, assault, rape) as well as  workplace allegations of  discrimination, abuse or sexual harassment, have generated a rising tide of psychological damage claims with allegations of PTSD. As  a result, in order to properly manage these claims, both defense counsel and insurance claims adjusters  require a sophisticated and detailed understanding of the psychiatric diagnosis  of PTSD: what it is, and --  possibly more importantly -- what it is not.

The diagnostic criteria for PTSD are complex encompassing event, re-experiencing and numbing phenomena. Although some claimants unquestionably meet  these criteria, other individuals may not. Knowing how to distinguish between the two groups will make it easier for a defense team to defeat inappropriate claims as well as  rapidly settle and avoid costly litigation of claims that are clearly legitimate.

Since many members of the plaintiff’s bar remain unsophisticated in their understanding of how to assess  and litigate psychological injuries (as opposed to the more concrete closed head injuries), the defense team with a good understanding of  the nature of  this type of injury will have a decided advantage.

WHAT IS DSM-IV?

PTSD, like all psychiatric diagnoses used in medical-legal consultation,  derives its authority from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, published by the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-IV, May 1994). This psychiatric diagnostic compendium is divided into chapters covering the entire landscape of mental disorders and conditions. The comprehensive manual assigns all psychiatric diagnoses (as well as  assessments of functional impairment)  to a 5-axis diagnostic system.  At the present time the DSM-IV is considered the diagnostic “Bible” in medical-legal psychiatric evaluations.  Consequently, a working  understanding of DSM-IV is essential to evaluating and defending any claim of alleged psychological injury.

THE HISTORY OF PTSD            

Called PTSD since the Viet Nam War, this condition had a long and interesting history. This stress syndrome has been called many things in the 150 years since it was first recognized but every definition had several characteristics in common, including re-experiencing, numbing and physiological arousal. The process of  Darwinian “natural selection” supported the evolution of people with highly developed stress responses; those pre-historic people with the most effective “fight or flight” reflexes became our ancestors. Curiously, during the 19th Century, what is known today as PTSD  was called “Railway Spine” and was associated with what we would today call “hysterical” physical symptoms -- i.e. “anxiety” expressed as bodily complaints -- seen in people who had been involved in railway accidents but who suffered no bodily injuries.

FIGHT OR FLIGHT

“Fight or flight” is driven by the neuro-chemical hormone adrenaline and results in a range of psycho-physiological responses to danger. These include increased pupil size so that more information can enter the eye, increased heart rate so that oxygen can be pumped to the muscles and brain, and the conversion of glycogen to glucose so that rapidly contracting muscles and essential organs are supplied with sufficient  energy to function. These physiological changes encourage men and women to become aggressive or rapidly run away when confronted by danger.

Modern man is still “hard wired” with this physiological reflex--it is our legacy from ancient times. However, when a man or woman employed in business or a profession is feeling threatened  in their workplace or boardroom, they would be regarded as bizarre if they suddenly rose from their chair and ran from the room or engaged in physical combat with an opponent. Under most circumstances, threats as perceived may not be threats in reality and the threatened person must sit and bear it. This conflict between our minds and our physiological reflexes is responsible for the modern medical entities known as  Stress Response Syndromes.  Stress is also responsible for a range of secondary illnesses that can arise from the work environment including cardiovascular and immune system diseases.

PTSD is a condition that arises from exposure to  life-threatening circumstances  and it was first diagnoses among some of the survivors of wartime combat. Throughout W.W.I the syndrome was known as “Shell Shock” and was thought to be primarily motivated by the soldier’s effort at self preservation.  In World War II it was called “War Neurosis” or “Combat Fatigue.” The modern diagnosis of PTSD, a by-product of the Viet Nam War, falls within the general DSM-IV category of “Anxiety Disorders,” sub-category of “Stress Disorders.” Listed below are the DSM-IV’s diagnostic criteria for PTSD, followed by my detailed discussion of these criteria.

DIAGNOSTIC CRITERIA FOR 309.81

POST TRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER


A. THE PERSON HAS BEEN EXPOSED TO A TRAUMATIC EVENT IN WHICH BOTH OF THE FOLLOWING WERE PRESENT:

  1. THE PERSON EXPERIENCED, WITNESSED OR WAS CONFRONTED WITH AN EVENT OR EVENTS THAT INVOLVED ACTUAL OR THREATENED DEATH OR SERIOUS INJURY, OR A THREAT TO THE PHYSICAL INTEGRITY OF SELF OR OTHERS
  2. THE PERSON’S RESPONSE INVOLVED INTENSE FEAR, HELPLESSNESS OR HORROR. Note: In children, this may be expressed instead by disorganized or agitated behavior.


B. THE TRAUMATIC EVENT IS PERSISTENTLY RE-EXPERIENCED IN ONE OR MORE OF THE FOLLOWING WAYS:

  1. RECURRENT OR INTRUSIVE DISTRESSING RECOLLECTIONS OF THE EVENT, INCLUDING IMAGES, THOUGHTS OR PERCEPTIONS. Note: In young children, repetitive play may occur in which themes or aspects of the trauma are expressed.
  2. RECURRENT OR DISTRESSING DREAMS OF THE EVENT. Note: In Children there may be frightening dreams without recognizable content.
  3. ACTING OR FEELING AS IF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT WERE RECURRING (INCLUDES A SENSE OF RELIVING THE EXPERIENCE, ILLUSIONS, HALLUCINATIONS AND DISSOCIATIVE FLASHBACK EPISODES, INCLUDING THOSE THAT OCCUR ON AWAKENING OR WHEN INTOXICATED). Note: In young children, trauma-specific reenactment may occur.
  4. INTENSE PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS AT EXPOSURE TO INTERNAL OR EXTERNAL CUES THAT SYMBOLIZE OR RESEMBLE AN ASPECT OF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT.
  5. PHYSIOLOGICAL REACTIVITY ON EXPOSURE OR INTERNAL OR EXTERNAL CUES THAT SYMBOLIZE OR RESEMBLE AN ASPECT OF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT.

C. PERSISTENT AVOIDANCE OF STIMULI ASSOCIATED WITH THE TRAUMA AND NUMBING OF GENERAL RESPONSIVENESS (NOT PRESENT BEFORE THE TRAUMA), AS INDICATED BY THREE (OR MORE) OF THE FOLLOWING:

  1. EFFORTS TO AVOID THOUGHTS, FEELINGS, OR CONVERSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE TRAUMA
  2. EFFORTS TO AVOID ACTIVITIES, PLACES OR PEOPLE THAT AROUSE RECOLLECTIONS OF THE TRAUMA
  3. INABILITY TO RECALL AN IMPORTANT ASPECT OF THE TRAUMA
  4. MARKEDLY DIMINISHED INTEREST OR PARTICIPATION IN SIGNIFICANT ACTIVITIES
  5. FEELING OF DETACHMENT OR ESTRANGEMENT FROM OTHERS
  6. RESTRICTED RANGE OF AFFECT (E.G., UNABLE TO HAVE LOVING FEELINGS)
  7. SENSE OF FORESHORTENED FUTURE (E.G., DOES NOT EXPECT TO HAVE A CAREER, MARRIAGE, CHILDREN, OR A NORMAL LIFE SPAN)

D. PERSISTENT SYMPTOMS OF INCREASED AROUSAL (NOT PRESENT BEFORE THE TRAUMA), AS INDICATED BY TWO (OR MORE) OF THE FOLLOWING:

  1. DIFFICULTY FALLING  OR STAYING ASLEEP
  2. IRRITABILITY OR OUTBURSTS OF ANGER
  3. DIFFICULTY CONCENTRATING
  4. HYPERVIGILANCE
  5. EXAGGERATED STARTLE RESPONSE

E. DURATION OF THE DISTURBANCE (SYMPTOMS IN CRITERIA B,C AND D) IS MORE THAN 1 MONTH.

F. THE DISTURBANCE CAUSES CLINICALLY SIGNIFICANT DISTRESS OR IMPAIRMENT IN SOCIAL, OCCUPATIONAL OR OTHER IMPORTANT AREAS OF FUNCTIONING.

Specify if:

ACUTE: IF DURATION OF SYMPTOMS IS LESS THAN 3 MONTHS

CHRONIC: IF DURATION OF SYMPTOMS IS 3 MONTHS OR MORE

Specify if:

WITH DELAYED ONSET: IF ONSET OF SYMPTOMS IS AT LEAST 6 MONTHS AFTER THE STRESSOR

ref: from The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, published by the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-IV), May 1994.

*           *            *            *            *

PTSD IS A DISCREET PHENOMENON, NOT A CONTINUUM

Like pregnancy, PTSD is defined as something one has or does not have: for medical-legal purposes, there are no “shades of PTSD gray” (even though in actuality and in some current research, the condition is viewed more in terms of a gradient of symptoms). Medical-legally, however, one is either in or out of the diagnosis, according to whether or not the  individual fulfills the six specific, detailed criteria, the so-called “A-F” criteria.

THE “A” CRITERIA, THE EVENT: A THRESHOLD CONCEPT

In a nutshell, the “A” criteria require an individual to have been exposed to a life-threatening circumstance. Earlier incarnations of the DSM  used a broad and overly inclusive yardstick, “outside of the range of normal human experience,” but this criterion was considered too loose and was easily abused in its interpretation. With the  recent publication of DSM-IV , the “A” criteria  have been tightened considerably. The new wording requires that “the person experienced, witnessed or was confronted with an event or events that involved actual or threatened death (emphasis added) .” Even the secondary phrase, “or serious injury, or a threat to the physical integrity of self or others” implies a grave degree of bodily threat. It was the intention of the DSM-IV subcommittee to tighten the “A” criteria so that it conformed more closely to the kind of actual life-threatening circumstances, such as combat, where PTSD was first observed. In essence, the trauma must be sufficiently severe that it ruptures a person’s “bubble of invulnerability.”   Most of the time people avoid thinking about the possibility of death in order to carry on their daily lives without constant, high levels of anxiety.

THE RE-EXPERIENCING OR “B” CRITERIA          

PTSD victims  re-experience the trauma over and over and over  again, in a variety of different ways. This results from the psyche’s effort to “master” overwhelming perceptual stimuli. The event is revisited repeatedly in an effort to manage and eventually integrate the traumatic stimuli that originally  overwhelmed the victim’s psychological equilibrium. The “B” criteria include five different re-experiencing phenomena, any one of  which is deemed sufficient to meet this diagnostic criterion.

· RECURRENT OR INTRUSIVE DISTRESSING RECOLLECTIONS OF THE EVENT, INCLUDING IMAGES, THOUGHTS OR PERCEPTIONS. Note: In young children, repetitive play may occur in which themes or aspects of the trauma are expressed

PTSD victims are never able to quite “forget” the event which traumatized them. They think/dream about it intermittently throughout their waking (and sleeping) hours and often feel persecuted by their inability to repress the recurrent distressing images.

· RECURRENT OR DISTRESSING DREAMS OF THE EVENT. Note: In Children there may be frightening dreams without recognizable content.

These recurrent images of the trauma intrude upon the victim’s sleep in the form of disturbing dreams and nightmares. Unlike normal dreams, which utilize symbolism to conceal from consciousness the dreamer’s actual life conflicts and  concerns, PTSD  dreams are often literal representations of the traumatic event. The starkly realistic presentation of the dreamer’s traumatic experience reflects  the psyche’s inability to master, process and integrate these overwhelming stimuli, through the disguising processes of sublimation and symbol formation.

· ACTING OR FEELING AS IF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT WERE RECURRING (INCLUDES A SENSE OF RELIVING THE EXPERIENCE, ILLUSIONS, HALLUCINATIONS AND DISSOCIATIVE FLASHBACK EPISODES, INCLUDING THOSE THAT OCCUR ON AWAKENING OR WHEN INTOXICATED). Note: In young children, trauma-specific reenactment may occur.

The victim frequently feels a sense of deja vu as if reliving the experience, sometimes in the form of illusions or hallucinations, frequently when in physiologically altered states of consciousness such as those induced by alcohol, drugs or sleep. Young children may actually re-enact the traumatic events in their play behavior, alone or with others.

· INTENSE PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS AT EXPOSURE TO INTERNAL OR EXTERNAL CUES THAT SYMBOLIZE OR RESEMBLE AN ASPECT OF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT.

PTSD victims may experience extreme anxiety or even panic upon exposure to circumstances that either literally or symbolically remind them of the traumatic circumstances.

· PHYSIOLOGICAL REACTIVITY ON EXPOSURE OR INTERNAL OR EXTERNAL CUES THAT SYMBOLIZE OR RESEMBLE AN ASPECT OF THE TRAUMATIC EVENT.

Traumatized Viet Nam War combat veterans, for example, frequently confuse their perceptions from ordinary experiences of every day life with those that date back to the traumatic event. For example, a traumatized combat veteran hearing an automobile muffler backfiring, may experience the sound as if it is wartime gunfire. Accordingly,  the person may re-experience the full range of psycho-physiological responses known as “combat alert” (akin to “fight or flight reactions”) as if he were back on the battlefield.

THE NUMBING AND AVOIDANCE OR “C” CRITERIA

PERSISTENT AVOIDANCE OF STIMULI ASSOCIATED WITH THE TRAUMA AND NUMBING OF GENERAL RESPONSIVENESS (NOT PRESENT BEFORE THE TRAUMA), AS INDICATED BY THREE (OR MORE) OF THE FOLLOWING:

As a psychological defense against being overwhelmed and feeling helpless, traumatized individuals  are constantly oscillating between re-experiencing the trauma and trying to avoid it. Their efforts to avoid may take many forms, of which any three listed below fulfills the “C” criteria.

· EFFORTS TO AVOID THOUGHTS, FEELINGS, OR CONVERSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE TRAUMA

An airline stewardess who was brutally raped and beaten in a hotel during a work related “layover,” for several weeks told no one about the assault, not her fellow employees nor her family, and only admitted the assault when her grown daughter pressed her to explain why her mood was so different.

· EFFORTS TO AVOID ACTIVITIES, PLACES OR PEOPLE THAT AROUSE RECOLLECTIONS OF THE TRAUMA

Typically, someone who suffers from PTSD will avoid revisiting the site of the trauma. A young woman who was savagely beaten, kicked in the head,  and believed she was going to be killed by hoodlums who assaulted her in the parking lot of a well known national restaurant chain, avoided ever revisiting not just the particular restaurant where the assault occurred but any other facility with the chain’s name on it.

· INABILITY TO RECALL AN IMPORTANT ASPECT OF THE TRAUMA

Not infrequently, a seriously traumatized person will be amnesic for particular events or periods of time during the trauma. They may say that their memory is like a stop-frame movie from which moments or extended periods of time are lost and the memory jumps from before to after the missing segments.

· MARKEDLY DIMINISHED INTEREST OR PARTICIPATION IN SIGNIFICANT ACTIVITIES

Another young woman who was beaten in the restaurant parking lot incident referred to above underwent a dramatic personality change following the assault: she was transformed from an outgoing, vivacious, independent and “feisty” young person, someone who performed publicly in an entertainment group, to  a frightened, withdrawn, isolated girl who would not even leave her house to go food shopping without the protective companionship of family members. In her withdrawn state, she gained fifty pounds, creating an additional “buffer zone” around herself that shielded her from the outside world.

· FEELING OF DETACHMENT OR ESTRANGEMENT FROM OTHERS

More than simple detachment or loneliness, PTSD victims tend to experience themselves as “outside looking in,” as though they are no longer a part of life’s events but are beyond a transparent barrier, restricted to the role of an observer.

· RESTRICTED RANGE OF AFFECT (E.G., UNABLE TO HAVE LOVING FEELINGS)

It is very common for those suffering from PTSD to suddenly lose the ability to experience strong feelings, for example an inability to love or to care about others who are dear to them. This disconnectedness can seriously damage marital, parent-child or workplace relationships.

· SENSE OF FORESHORTENED FUTURE (E.G., DOES NOT EXPECT TO HAVE A CAREER, MARRIAGE, CHILDREN, OR A NORMAL LIFE SPAN)

Not infrequently, people with PTSD no longer think of themselves as having a future. This is not the same as having suicidal feelings, since the victim has neither the plan nor the intention of killing himself. Rather, these thoughts result from the sudden rupture of their “bubble of invulnerability.” Having experienced a close encounter with death, it’s ever presence can no longer be effectively denied. PTSD victims may simply resign themselves  to the belief that sooner rather than later, life will end.   

SYMPTOMS OF INCREASED AROUSAL, THE “D” CRITERIA

Due to the effects of adrenaline directly upon the central nervous system, PTSD is always associated with signs of increased arousal (not present before the trauma) as indicated by two (or more) of the following:

· DIFFICULTY FALLING  OR STAYING ASLEEP

Sleep disturbances usually begin immediately after the trauma, although in some cases upsetting dreams may not occur for days, weeks or even months. Typically, the PTSD patient has difficulty falling asleep or staying asleep, fearing that something terrible may again happen to them if they relax their guard against sleep. Instead of sleeping, they remain alert. One traumatized woman compromised between her conflicting impulses to remain awake and needing sleep by setting her alarm clock to awaken her every two hours, throughout the night, in order to inspect all the rooms of her house and reassure herself that no intruders were present. Soon, however, she awakened throughout the night at two hourly intervals before the alarm sounded. This practice continued for years after the trauma.

· IRRITABILITY OR OUTBURSTS OF ANGER

Irritability and sometimes rapid fluctuations of mood occur with most people who suffer from this disorder. Sometimes it is experienced as “waves of emotion” that cause the PTSD patient to rapidly shift between focused attention and tearfulness. At other times, tempers are short and the victim “snaps” angrily and inappropriately at friends, family or colleagues. This lability of mood is worsened by the ingestion of alcohol or intoxicating drugs.

· DIFFICULTY CONCENTRATING

Typically, PTSD patients have difficulty reading. If they can read, it is only for very brief intervals, or only illustrated magazines. Even watching television, although easier than reading, may be marked by lapses of attention and difficulty staying focused. The attention difficulties are likely to be the result of intrusive thoughts or images that both distract attention and increase feelings of anxiety. The entire process feels “out of control” which, in a self reinforcing manner, further increases anxiety and decreases attention.

· HYPERVIGILANCE

Hypervigilance, or the state of being in extreme alert, is partially driven by the central nervous system’s response to increased adrenaline and partially by the confusion of perceptions described above as the re-experiencing or “B” criteria.

· EXAGGERATED STARTLE RESPONSE

This is also a symptom of the physiologically stimulated central nervous system anticipating further frightening experiences , similar to the original overwhelming trauma. In certain natural catastrophes, such as earthquakes, victims are repeatedly re-traumatized for days or weeks as aftershocks recur. Marked anxiety results in brisk physiological reflex responses including an exaggerated startle response. One individual originally traumatized by the San Francisco Loma Prieta Earthquake of 1989 and subsequently by aftershocks, eventually developed large reactions to shocks of even minute magnitude. Eventually, his nervous system was so tense in anticipation of the possibility of another large quake that he remained in a state of high alert: he startled easily, and his feet left the ground if anyone closed a door behind him or made a noise unexpectedly.

THE DURATION OR “E” CRITERION

The duration of the disturbance (i.e. the symptoms in criteria b,c and d) lasts longer than one month. This is a somewhat arbitrary criterion. However, its purpose is to distinguish between brief, transient stress response reactions (called in the DSM-IV Acute Stress Disorder) and the more serious, lasting, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. Nevertheless, for practical clinical purposes, if a psychiatrist or other mental health professional strongly suspects a diagnosis of PTSD because of the enormity of the trauma and the presence of sufficient B,C and D criteria symptoms, it would be irrational and medically inappropriate to delay treatment for 30 days until the duration criterion had been fulfilled, especially since the best recoveries from PTSD occur when therapeutic measures are introduced early. For litigation purposes, however, “premature” PTSD diagnoses can be attacked when they are applied to symptoms that have not lasted for a minimum of one month. Often these are Acute Stress Reactions that will resolve spontaneously within a short time.

CLINICALLY SIGNIFICANT DISTRESS OR IMPAIRMENT IN SOCIAL, OCCUPATIONAL OR OTHER IMPORTANT AREAS OF FUNCTIONING, THE “F” CRITERION

The “F” criterion means that simply fulfilling the “A - E” criteria is not, in itself, enough to make the diagnosis of PTSD. In addition, the condition must cause clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational or other important areas of functioning. Of course, “clinically significant” is a broad concept that is subject to a wide range of interpretations based upon the examining clinician’s experience and judgment. However, the individual’s family, work, school and social lives are explored in detail to determine if this criterion is met. For practical purposes, it is difficult to conceive of a situation in which the Event Criterion is met and the “B - F” criteria are adequately met and the individual does not demonstrate clinically significant distress or functional impairment in these other areas of their life. If a claimant shows no significant impairment of functioning in work, social or family life, it is highly unlikely that they are suffering from genuine PTSD.

ACUTE, CHRONIC OR DELAYED ONSET

Finally, the PTSD diagnosis requires a specification of “Acute” (if the duration of symptoms is less than three months), “Chronic” (if the duration of symptoms is three months or more), or “Delayed Onset” (if the onset of symptoms is at least six months after the stressor).

DIFFERENTIAL DIAGNOSIS

As with many psychological conditions, individuals experiencing PTSD may be diagnosed with other problems. These “differential,” or alternative,  diagnoses include Adjustment Disorder, Acute Stress Disorder, Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder, Generalized Anxiety Disorder, Mood Disorder, Substance Abuse, Organic Brain Syndrome and Malingering. The existence of  nine diverse alternative diagnoses indicates that some of the signs and symptoms of PTSD are also found in other mental conditions. However, this multiplicity of alternatives neither indicates that PTSD is an imprecise diagnosis nor that it is very difficult to accurately determine.  Nevertheless, the diagnosis will only be accurate to the extent that the  examiner has carefully evaluated a person in terms of the very specific  “A” through “F” criteria.

PSYCHOANALYSTS ARE PARTICULARLY WELL SUITED TO TALK  TO A  JURY

Psychoanalysts are psychiatrists (M.D.’s) or  psychologists (Ph.D.’s) who have completed extensive advanced training beyond that required for their psychiatric or psychological certifications. They are specifically trained as careful observers who can understand a person’s present behavior in terms of their past experiences. This perspective enables psychoanalysts to supplement the static DSM-IV  diagnosis with a dynamic psycho-historical understanding of  why an individual behaves in a particular way. Because this is an explanation drawn ultimately from the individual’s unique life story, it is frequently heard by a jury as more plausible and comprehensible than an assemblage of dry criteria and technical jargon. Simply stated, psychoanalysts are able to “tell a story” that is cohesive, interesting and that makes sense to a careful listener. It is not surprising, therefore, that many of the most effective psychiatric medical-legal experts are also trained psychoanalysts.

TREATMENT OF PTSD

For most individuals suffering from PTSD, the treatment consists of psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy.

PSYCHOTHERAPY

Psychotherapy has as its purpose to help the individual master and integrate the overwhelming stimuli generated by the traumatic event. One very effective method is abreaction which is  helping the patient discuss and re-experience the ideas and emotions associated with trauma in the safety of a  therapeutic setting so that these reactions can be mastered. This therapy may necessitate that the patient review the events that occurred as well as  their own actions and emotional reactions to those events. Depending upon the strength of the psychological defenses of a person who has PTSD, psychotherapeutic treatment may be required for a period lasting from six months to several years. Since estimated length of required treatment is an important parameter of any settlement negotiation, it is very important for the psychiatric expert consultant to  carefully review these estimates in terms of the plaintiff’s general level of defensive functioning. For example, a PTSD plaintiff who is able to adjust to a new job, successfully manage intimate relationships or embark upon arduous vacation travel is unlikely to have markedly impaired psychological defenses and will probably not require extensive treatment.

Another aspect of psychotherapy is didactic, i.e. educational. The patient is told what he or she is likely to expect in the days, weeks and months ahead, so that those reactions can be anticipated and not experienced as a loss of control or feeling “crazy,” feelings which may  further traumatize the victim, by temporarily increasing his/her anxiety and delaying recovery. This  aspect of the therapy can be accomplished either in individual sessions or in a group  debriefing session lead by a knowledgeable therapist who is experienced both in conducting PTSD debriefings and in treating people with this condition.

PSYCHOPHARMACOTHERAPY

Excessive anxiety or sleep disturbance can frequently be managed with temporary prescription of minor anti-anxiety medications such as Xanax (alprazolam) or Ativan (lorazepam). Transient sleep disturbances can be managed with the short term use of  mild hypnotics (sleeping pills) such as Dalmane (flurazepam) or  Restoril (tamazepam). All of these medications contain the potential for abuse and addiction.

DEPRESSION AND GUILT

Not infrequently, significant depression also develops during the days and weeks following a traumatic event, especially if  the traumatized individual feels rational or irrational responsibility for the trauma, feels guilt that he/she survived while others did not (survivor’s guilt), or if the traumatic event and resulting losses resonate consciously and unconsciously  with significant earlier life losses experienced by the individual.  Under these circumstances, more intensive treatment is required. Psychotherapy must investigate and explore both the early life experiences and losses that have been re-activated by the recent traumatic event. As an adjunct to psychotherapy, anti-depressant medication such as Prozac (fluoxetine), Zoloft (sertraline), Paxil (paroxetine) or Wellbutrin (buproprion) may be very helpful in rapidly relieving depressive symptoms, reducing anxiety  and restoring normal sleep. Antidepressant medications are all non-addictive.

HYPOTHETICAL CASES

HYPOTHETICAL PTSD CASE #1

Fact Profile:

A male catastrophe adjuster employed  by a major property insurer was brought from another jurisdiction to work with customers whose homes had been destroyed in a massive fire covering hundreds of acres of residential property. The adjuster had worked with fire victims in other locations for many years without incident. However, this particular assignment elicited tears, difficulty sleeping and impaired mental concentration. I was asked to consult. Upon taking a detailed history from this adjuster, I learned that a decade earlier, he was engaged to be married to his childhood sweetheart. They had purchased a house in which they were going to live together after the marriage. Suddenly, she was killed in a freak automobile accident. After her death, he sold the house, moved to a different city and tried to put it all behind him. He never adequately mourned her death, never married nor even seriously dated during the decade since she had died. He simply “started over” and dedicated himself to his new job, putting his personal needs  “on hold.”

After arriving at this assignment, he discovered that the home that he had purchased to share with his bride was one that had been totally devastated by the fire. The news brought back his terrible and unmourned loss of ten years earlier, which overwhelmed him with its intensity. A consultation and brief psychotherapy enabled him to complete his mourning, make a few life changes,  and return to his formerly  productive level of functioning.

HYPOTHETICAL PTSD CASE #2

Fact Profile:

Mrs. A., is an attractive, petite, twice married, high school educated thirty-six year old, Asian-American woman. She is  the mother of two children, one from each marriage, and worked as a mail clerk for a major oil company.  Part of her responsibilities as a mail clerk were to deliver the company mail to various department heads and supervisors. She was friendly, engaging and enjoyed the positive attention she received from some of the older men in managerial positions.

Her husband is a civil servant who objected to her returning to work. She is the middle daughter of a very large, low income family. She always maintained  a particularly close relationship with her father. He worked as a school custodian and, in his spare time, taught her automobile mechanics when she was an adolescent. By returning to work she wanted to demonstrate that she could “become somebody.” She approached her new job with determined enthusiasm and dedication.

After two years of  working as a mail clerk, one of the supervisors to whom she delivered mail, Mr. H., “recruited” her to join a half-time machinist training program set up for specifically for minority employees and sponsored by the company. Mr. H. is a heavy set, fifty-seven year old mechanical engineer, married and divorced four times and a  twenty-five year “veteran” employee of the company.  Mr. H. told Mrs. A. that if she was accepted into the training program and completed it, she would be his prodigy. She was flattered. Mr. B. also made a side bet with one of his colleagues that he  could turn her into a qualified machinist “in record time.” During the last three years, two different women have asked for and received  transfers away from Mr. H.’s supervision because of what they vaguely described as his “pressure tactics” and “sexually inappropriate” comments. There is also an rumor within the mechanical engineering division that Mr. H. has a “drinking problem,” although he has never been accused of drinking on the job.

Mrs. A. was accepted into the program and worked extra hours in order to maintain her income while pursuing the half-time training. Mr. H. was her supervisor and mentor in the program. After six months of training, he required her to accompany him on a business trip to  a refinery in a distant city to repair equipment. He told her that she would assist him and that this assignment would  constitute an important part of her training.  She made arrangements with her family to be away from home overnight. After completing the first days work at the refinery, according to Mrs. A., Mr. H. knocked on her hotel room door at  7 p.m.  and said he needed to show her diagrams of the work for the next day. She opened the door to let him in. As he pushed past her, she noticed the odor of alcohol on his breath.  He sat next to her on a sofa to show her the book of diagrams but then, according to Mrs. A., began to  caress her hair and cheek and told  her how attracted he felt towards her and how much he “knew” that  she “wanted” him too. He also stated that she “owed” him sexual favors because of all the effort he had invested to further her career. According to Mrs. A, he  said “Where would you be now without me? You owe me!”

When she attempted to push him away but he overpowered her, pulled off her jeans and underpants and forcibly raped her. She says that  she pleaded with him to stop. Afterwards, she ordered him to get out of her room. Profoundly shaken, she took a long shower trying to “clean” herself while crying. But she reported the incident to no one. The next morning, he apologized and said that  “it will never happen again.”

She explained that she told no one at the company about the rape because she doubted that the mostly middle-aged male supervisors would believe her word against that of a colleague with managerial authority and she was certain that he would deny the incident. She also decided against telling her husband because she feared that he might take matters into his own hands and act violently  against Mr. H. She also acknowledged that she was afraid he would insist that she leave her job and the training program which she so desperately wanted to complete.

During the next two years she was required to make approximately ten additional overnight business trips with Mr. H.. On  at least  two  of these trips, under similar circumstances of intoxication, he again raped her. During the interim, she alleges that other acts of harrassment occurred such as his trying to rub her legs under the conference table during meetings.

After the second rape, she did confide the problem to a female friend who urged her to leave the company. After the third alleged assault, she became seriously depressed and refused to work any longer with her supervisor. Consequently, she was reassigned to an office job. Finally, her computer was taken away from her.  Enraged and tearful, she was referred  by Human Resources to a psychiatrist who examined her, diagnosed Depression with Suicidal Ideas and hospitalized her for two weeks on a psychiatric unit. At the end of her hospital stay, she told her psychiatrist for the first time about the alleged rapes. The psychiatrist changed his diagnosis to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.

Although her husband did not know of the alleged sexual assaults, he believed that she had been treated poorly by her supervisor and employer and retained an attorney to represent her. After the attorney interviewed Mrs. A. and she confided in him about the assaults, he filed a civil damages lawsuit on her behalf against the company and the supervisor, alleging PTSD psychological damages resulting from sexual harassment and multiple sexual assaults.

The defendant claims that he and the employee had an affair, that during the affair they had  consensual sex, but that the affair ended more than a year. He flatly denies any allegations of sexual coercion, rape or wrongdoing.

Medical-Legal Question:

The primary medical-legal question is not whether she has a cause for action but whether she indeed is suffering from PTSD? Does she meet the A - F Criteria, in particular the critical threshold “event” criterion? If she does not meet the full criteria for PTSD, is she suffering from any other mental disorder? To what extent did she have pre-existing psychiatric illness(es), that preceded her employment and what role, if any, might they play in her current symptoms? Is she malingering? Is she delusional? If so, from what cause?

HYPOTHETICAL PTSD CASE #3

Fact Profile:

Mrs. B., a married, 35 year old secretary working for an agency of a municipal government, ate a pastry left for the secretarial pool following a board meeting. After biting into a croissant, she had the sensation in her mouth of a chewy, malodorous substance. She was disgusted and spit out the material. She brought the remaining croissant to a laboratory and was told  that it was contaminated  by rat feces. She complained to her doctor of anxiety, insomnia and recurrent thoughts of the rat feces. He treated her with a mild sedative and referred  her to a marriage and family counselor psychotherapist. The therapist makes the diagnosis of PTSD.

Mrs. B. claimed that she could never work in an office again and filed a workers compensation claim for PTSD resulting from the rat feces contaminated croissant incident. She was awarded $75,000 plus 18 months of private vocational rehabilitation. She then filed a personal injury suit against the municipality, the caterer and the bakery that manufactured the croissant alleging permanent psychological damages.

Medical-Legal Question:

Of course, the central medical-legal question is again whether or not she is suffering from PTSD? If she is not, does she have any other mental illness or injury? If so what is it? Is it pre-existing or as a consequence of the alleged traumatic incident? If she has no evidence of other mental illness or injury, is she malingering? If she had no industrially related psychological injury, why was she given a substantial workers compensation award?

HYPOTHETICAL PTSD CASE #4

Fact Profile:

An attractive young woman, Ms. C.,  who was abused as a child and is the daughter of an alcoholic suffered an unknown degree of psychological problems. She got a job as a secretary in an office. She claimed that she was  sexually harassed by a man who is the age of her father.  She rejected his attention and initially did  not report the problem to her employer because, she said, she feared that by doing so she might lose her job. After some time, her job performance deteriorates and she is terminated. She brought  a wrongful termination suit alleging sexual harrassment and discrimination. After filing suit, she was treated by a psychologist  who diagnosed PTSD resulting from the  alleged sexual harrassment.

Medical-Legal Questions:

Several questions are raised by this case. Although the primary one is whether or not she is indeed suffering from PTSD as alleged, there are important secondary questions as well: a) what were the nature of her psychological problems prior to the alleged sexual harrassment? b) why she did not report the harrassment to her employer? c) if she does have PTSD, could it have been caused by childhood trauma; if she does not have PTSD, is she suffering from any other mental disorder? and d) what role, if any, did the childhood abuse by her  alcoholic parents play in the formation of her character, her psychological defenses, and her ultimate difficulties at work?

Of course, in a case of alleged harrassment, the independent psychiatric  expert should, in addition to reviewing documents, interview the plaintiff and investigate all of these questions delicately and with sensitivity, without contributing additional trauma to the plaintiff’s life and without giving even the appearance of “blaming the alleged victim.” At the same time, the examiner must respect the presumption of innocence of the accused. In this last regard, it can be helpful and is often essential to  a successful defense for the psychiatric expert to not only examine the plaintiff/victim but also the accused harasser.

SUMMARY

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder is a psychiatric diagnosis with a long and established medical  history as well as a vibrant medical-legal present and future. With increasing frequency, it is being claimed in a widening scope of personal injury, malpractice and employment litigation. It is a complex diagnosis requiring the careful and detailed examination of a plaintiff by an experienced medical-legal psychiatric expert. Psychoanalysts are well trained for the combined tasks of diagnosing, understanding and communicating to others  the presence or absence of psychological injuries. Several approaches to treatment are mentioned.  A number of hypothetical cases of alleged PTSD are presented. Critical questions about PTSD claims are raised that must be thoroughly addressed by the consulting medical-legal psychiatric expert.

*              ****

Brief Biography -  Mark I. Levy, M.D., F.A.P.A.

Doctor Levy, a graduate of Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons and a Board Certified Psychiatrist and Forensic Psychiatrist, is also a graduate of the San Francisco Psychoanalytic Institute. He has been a full-time psychiatrist and psychoanalyst practicing in Marin County, California for more than 25 years, and he also devotes a portion of his practice to psychiatric expert forensic consultation. Doctor Levy  is Assistant Clinical Professor at the Department of Psychiatry, University of California, San Francisco, and he is also on the faculty at the S.F. Psychoanalytic Institute. He is Chairman and Past President of the San Francisco Foundation for Psychoanalysis, a community outreach organization of psychoanalysts, and he has helped establish an educational program on psychological issues for attorneys through the Bar Association of San Francisco, where he has consulted on a wide range of psychological topics. Doctor Levy is a member of numerous professional organizations and has been interviewed and quoted nationally by the print and broadcast media including The Wall Street Journal, Business Week, For the Defense, NBC, Fox News and CNN. He has been the HealthBeat Psychiatrist and Psychoanalyst for KRON-TV4, the NBC affiliate in San Francisco, as well as for its cable station, Bay TV.

Return to topic index

Forensic Psychiatric Landmark Cases

American Academy of Psychiatry & Law selected Landmark Cases which it thinks especially important and significant for forensic psychiatry.

Download Forensic Psychiatric Landmark Cases.pdf

Return to topic index