Experts

  • Mark I. Levy, MD, DLFAPA
    Medical Director, Forensic Psychiatrist, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry, Distinguished Life Fellow American Psychiatric Association
  • Sarah A. Hall, PhD
    Adult, Child & Adolescent Forensic Neuropsychologist
  • David Y. Kan, MD
    Forensic Psychiatrist, Addiction Medicine & Substance Abuse Specialist, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry
  • Anlee Kuo, MD, JD
    Child and Adolescent Forensic Psychiatrist, Diplomate American Board of Psychiatry & Neurology (Psychiatry), Board Eligible for Child, Adolescent and Forensic Psychiatry
  • Ronald Roberts, PhD
    Board Certified in Forensic Psychology, American Board of Professional Psychology, American College of Law and Psychology
  • Charles Saldanha, MD
    Forensic Psychiatrist, Acute Care and Emergency Psychiatry, Diplomate of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology (Psychiatry) with Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry

Forensic Psychiatric Topics

Forensic Psychiatry and Psychology
-- What We Do

Listen to introductory audio message by Mark I. Levy, MD, Medical Director of fpamed. Please open a player (windows media player, real player, etc.) and click to

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Our primary skill is explaining complex medical and behavioral information in a readily understood and accurate manner. In the legal arena, as in our clinical practices, teaching, and scholarship, clear communication is our central goal.

We reach our opinions and offer testimony based on evidence, not simply our authority. Integrating the data from medical records, legal documents, psychological testing and interviews, we answer questions at the interface of law and mental health based on solid science and clinical experience.

Our consultation, reports and testimony aim to illuminate the mental health issues in legal matters. We consult in both civil and criminal matters and to both sides of the bar.

We find our work engaging and demonstrate our enthusiasm, curiosity, and care to the attorneys who retain us and the lawyers, judges and juries who hear our testimony.

Meet our team of experts...

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What is Neuropsychology?

Neuropsychologist measure aspects of voluntary cognitive, or brain functioning through the use of a variety of objective standardized tests. The use of such tests makes it possible to compare the individual's functioning in specific areas statistically to that of other individuals of similar age and educational levels.

The analysis of the pattern of test data provided by neuropsychological assessment can provide evidence of abnormal functioning, or deficits that may be due to brain damage due to injury or disease, and/or that may be related to personality traits and psychiatric disorders. An analysis of the ways in which an individual's pattern of test findings are similar or dissimilar to those of other persons who have suffered comparable injuries, disabilities or diagnoses, makes it is possible to draw conclusions about the likelihood of the plaintiff's claims about loss of cognitive functioning and emotional distress, or fitness to function at work or in legal proceedings.

The domains that may be assessed in a neuropsychological assessment include intellectual ability (I.Q.), executive functioning (higher order problem solving, concept formation, planning and organization, mental flexibility, focused attention, inhibition or filtering of responses and impulse control), memory, academic skills, visual-motor, sensory motor and fine motor skills, as well as adaptive functioning, or daily living skills and competency. In addition, neuropsychologists typically assess personality and psychological functioning and include measures that provide evidence of atypical responses, degree of effort in responding and malingering of symptoms or memory functioning.

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What Is Forensic Psychology

Forensic Psychology is the application of the science of psychology to legal issues. The word "forensic" comes from the Latin word "forensis", meaning “of the forum” and relates the Forum in ancient Rome where the earliest courts were held.

The practice of Forensic Psychology is focused on the interface between psychology and the law. It is a means by which psychologists and psychiatrists apply their science and research to legal questions. In most cases psychologists and psychiatrists seek to aid the trier of fact by offering expert opinion in a court of law. When doing so they take measures to insure that the opinion they offer is as objective as possible and do not offer opinions that are merely possible. They are diligent in their practice to insure that they do not offer opinions that are subjective or speculative. Opinions are only given if they can be done with a reasonable degree of psychological or medical certainty.

Psychologists and Psychiatrists have been long accepted as experts by the courts. They apply their trade in a number of legal matters in both criminal and civil law.

Criminal law issues frequently addressed include:

  • Sanity
  • Criminal Responsibility or Mens Rea (guilty mind)
  • Trial Competency
  • Waiver of Miranda rights
  • Death penalty mitigation
  • Battered Woman Syndrome
  • Domestic Violence
  • Drug Dependence
  • Sexual disorders

Civil law issues frequently addressed include:

  • Personal Injury including psychological injuries and brain injuries
  • Child custody
  • Employment discrimination
  • Sexual harassment
  • Mental disability
  • Product liability
  • Professional malpractice
  • Civil commitment
  • Guardianship
  • Workers compensation
  • Psychological Autopsies

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What is Forensic Psychiatry?

Forensic psychiatry is the sub specialty of psychiatry dealing with the interface between psychiatry and the law. Forensic psychiatrists serve as consultants and expert witnesses for civil and criminal attorneys, the judiciary, government and non-government agencies, and corporations. Some are involved in treating individuals in correctional institutions or in mandated treatment settings.

As a consultant or expert witness, a forensic psychiatrist is retained when mental health concerns intersect with legal matters. Such areas include criminal responsibility (the “insanity defense”), competencies in both criminal and civil matters, child custody, fitness for duty, dangerousness risk assessment and personal injury including assessment of emotional trauma. The forensic psychiatrist is presented with questions that involve the application of psychiatric medicine, technique and information to legal matters sometimes derived from statute or case law. Ethically, a forensic psychiatric evaluation is  always necessary when addressing diagnostic issues.

A forensic psychiatric evaluation employs in depth interview techniques of clinical psychiatry, but also relies upon collateral sources of information, addresses more prominently the possibility of malingered (feigned) psychiatric illness, and attempts to answer specific medical-legal (psychiatric) questions. The evaluation is not treatment: indeed, the  need for objectivity demands that it be performed outside of a treatment relationship.

In the United States, the practice of forensic psychiatry is governed by a strict code of ethics, derived from the Principles of Medical Ethics as codified by the American Medical Association and as applied to psychiatric practice by the American Psychiatric Association and further modified by the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law ("AAPL"), the most prominent professional organization for Forensic Psychiatry. AAPL is a subsidiary organization of the American Psychiatric Association.

Forensic Psychiatric training is available within a limited number of medical school psychiatry departments as a twelve month, full-time post graduate  fellowship  program for physicians who have already completed four years of residency training, including at least three years in the field of Psychiatry. Following completion of a Forensic Psychiatric Fellowship and passing a comprehensive written examination, the board certification "With Added Qualifications in Forensic Psychiatry" is given to  psychiatrists who are already Diplomates of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology.

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Psychiatric "Fitness for Duty" Evaluations

Fitness for Duty Evaluation can provide concrete information about an employee’s level of functioning and appropriateness for their work environment. By requesting a Fitness for Duty Evaluation, an employer demonstrates good faith in attempting to resolve potentially contentious and litigious workplace situations.

Forensic psychiatrists and psychologists can provide concrete information regarding employees’ abilities, risk factors, and assist in planning for return to work. Typically, a Fitness for Duty Evaluation requires an extended interview between the employee and the doctor. On most occasions, the evaluation will include psychological testing beyond the face-to-face evaluation. The evaluation will cover background information, salient issues that led to the request for the evaluation, mental status, risk factors, and review of treatment to date. In addition, our doctors typically consult with the employer and/or other important "collateral" sources of information about employees’ behavior.

When appropriate, collateral information may be sought from employers (job description, personnel record) and with the employee's permission from treating psychiatrists and psychologists.

Employers should consider Fitness for Duty Evaluation when they observe any of the following behavior from employees:

  • Threat of violence
  • Impaired concentration
  • Paranoid thinking
  • Abusive behavior toward co-workers or customers
  • Anxiety, depression, unexplained change in behavior, decreased efficiency, drug and alcohol use.

The California Confidential of Medical Information Act (CMIA) Civil Code Section 56, et seq.

by Bill Hadden and Robert Wexler

The most prominent sources of authority for fitness for duty issues are the California Confidentiality of Medical Information Act (CMIA) Civil Code Section 56, et seq., and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA)42 U.S.C. '12101, et seq.  They will be discussed in order. 

I.          CMIA PROVISIONS 

The CMIA sets forth limitations on the dissemination of private medical information.  Section 56.10(a) states: "No provider of health care shall disclose medical information regarding a patient of the provider without first obtaining an authorization, except as provided in subdivision (b) or (c)." 

Section 56.10(b) delineates seven circumstances in which a provider of health care shall disclose medical information, such as when the provider is compelled, for example, by court order or by the lawful issuance of process of a board, commission, administrative agency, arbitrator or governmental agency. 

Section 56.10(c), subsection (8) is the part of the statute most applicable to employer requested fitness for duty examinations.  It reads as follows: 

(c)  A provider of health care may disclose medical information as follows: 

(A) Is relevant in a lawsuit, arbitration, grievance, or other claim or challenge to which the employer and the employee are parties and in which the patient has placed in issue his or her medical history, mental or physical condition, or treatment, provided it may only be used or disclosed in connection with that proceeding. 

(B) Describes functional limitations of the patient that may entitle the patient to leave from work for medical reasons or limit the patient's fitness to perform his or her present employment, provided that no statement of medical cause is included in the information disclosed.

The disclosure of any information by the health care provider to an employer beyond that allowed under subsection (c)(8) requires specific written authorization by the patient to the medical provider (Section 56.11), or to the employer (Section 56.21).  An employee shall not be discriminated against in terms or conditions of employment due to a refusal to sign an authorization, pursuant to Section 56.20(b). 

The case of Pettus v. Cole 49 Cal.App.4th 402, 57 Cal.Rptr.2d 46 (1996) provides a detailed examination of the application of Section 56.10.  That case concerned a 22-year employee of the DuPont Corporation, who sought to take time off from work because of a disabling stress-related condition. After two non-employer doctors recommended that Pettus' condition warranted a disability leave, Pettus was required to submit to a company doctor, pursuant to DuPont's short-term disability leave policy.  DuPont's doctors told the employer that Pettus' stress condition might have been caused or exacerbated by his misuse of alcohol.  DuPont required that Pettus enter into a rehab program as a condition of employment, and when he refused, terminated him.  Among the issues presented for legal review was the propriety of DuPont's doctors revealing the detailed circumstances of Pettus' interviews with them, as well as that of DuPont's disciplinary action based upon such interviews.  In short, the court found that the doctors had violated Section 56.10(c)(8) in revealing information far beyond that allowed by that Section.  Furthermore, the court found that DuPont could not compel Pettus' attendance in a rehab program under penalty of termination, as employees alone are vested with the decision-making process relating to their own health care. 

In Pettus, DuPont alleged that Section 56.10 did not protect Pettus because he did not qualify as a "patient" within the meaning of this statute, and that DuPont's doctors were not "providers of health care" under the circumstances.  The court rejected both contentions, finding that, not withstanding that Pettus received no treatment from DuPont's doctors, Pettus still qualified as a "patient" pursuant to the definitions in the Act and that DuPont, by generating "medical information" met the statutory definition of a "provider of health care".   As stated by the Pettus court: 

The Legislature clearly intended for the statute to afford employees in Pettus' situation, i.e., where the employer has requested and paid for medical examinations to determine the validity of a claim for medical leave benefits - some protection by imposing a duty on health care providers involved in the procedure a duty to maintain, at least to a limited degree, the confidentiality of the employee's medical information. . . . Indeed, subdivision (c)(8)(B) expressly refers to an employee who is examined by health care provider, at the employer's request and expense, as a "patient."  (Pettus, at 57 Cal.Rptr.2d, 64-65) 

Section 56.16, however, permits health care providers to discuss general medical information about a patient without his or her consent, unless the patient provides the physician with a specific written request to the contrary.  The California Court of Appeal, in Garrett v. Young, (2 Dist, 2003) 109 Cal.App 4th 1393, 1 Cal.Rptr. 3d 134, recently upheld a decision dismissing an employee’s action against her physician for invasion of privacy and violation of the CMIA, despite the fact the employee advised her doctor verbally not to share any information with her employer.  The Court noted that the legislature’s intent in enacting the CMIA was “to permit disclosure of general information without imposing burdensome paperwork or administrative requirements on medical providers, which could too easily lead to technical violations of the Act and litigation over inconsequential disclosures.”  The Court refused to read into the statute a formal requirement that physicians notify patients that general medical information may be freely discussed.  Instead, after conducting a thorough review of the history of Section 56.16, the Court reasoned that the Legislature intended the burden to be on the patient to provide a written notice to the doctor that he is prohibited from disclosing even general information.  Any expectation that “busy physicians should be expected to recall oral instructions not to speak to a specific party, such as an employer, was not reasonable under the statute.” 

II.         A.D.A. REQUIREMENTS

The protections of the Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA) prevent an employer from:

a. Requiring a medical examination; or

b. Inquiring as to whether an employee has a disability; or

c. Inquiring as to the nature or severity of any disability; UNLESS

d. The inquiry or examination is "job related and consistent with business necessity". (42 USC Section 12112(c)(4)(A)) 

The purpose of these restrictions is to prevent the administration to employees of medical tests or inquiries that do not serve a legitimate business purpose.   

Conversely, the EEOC in interpreting the ADA has recognized that an employer may make some medical inquiries and require fitness for duty exams.  However, the employer's inquiries are limited to inviting employees to indicate whether they have a disability, and to what extent.  The employee may not be compelled to reveal a disability to the employer.  Where an employee voluntarily discloses the disability or other medical information, the employer will not be held deemed to have violated the Act, but the employer is restricted from requesting, persuading, coercing or otherwise pressuring the individual to obtain such disclosure. 

III.            COMMON QUESTIONS 

We will now apply the above background to answer some of the most common questions relating to fitness for duty matters. 

A. If I don't sign any waiver form, what information is the doctor allowed to give to my department? 

Based on Section 56.10(c)(8)(B), the doctor may only provide sufficient information to say whether you are fit for duty, and to describe any functional limitations.  The doctor would be precluded from providing any statement of medical cause.  For example, the doctor may tell the department that an officer cannot presently handle the stress of patrol duties, but may not tell the department that the officer is suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder. 

B. Is there a traditional doctor-patient relationship with the fitness for duty doctor? 

No, but this does not mean that there is no confidentiality as to the information you provide to the doctor, as long as you do not provide any additional authorization to release your medical information.  Under the CMIA, a doctor is limited as to what information can be revealed to the employer and the doctor has no authorization under the statute to reveal the information to any other parties, except under very limited circumstances. 

C. Do I have to sign any authorization or waiver form in the doctor's office?

No.  There should be no need for you to sign any such form, as the doctor may reveal to the department a statement of your fitness and functional limitations without any authorization pursuant to Section 56.10(c)(8)(B).  In addition, you may not be discriminated against in terms or conditions of employment due to your refusal to sign an authorization form (Civil Code Section 56.20(b)).  Sadly, we have found numerous doctors performing fitness for duty examinations who entice an already emotionally disadvantaged officer to sign a detailed waiver, attempting to limit the doctor's liability and allow the doctor to communicate any part of the examination to anyone that the doctor may choose.  Most of these "authorizations" that we have seen are unlawful, as failing to meet the detailed statutory requirements for a waiver set forth in Civil Sections 56.11 and 56.21.  Remember, virtually all the information your department needs can be communicated without your waiver.  Signing a waiver form will only allow the release of more private information, which in most circumstances will be unnecessary. 

D. Is there any time when I will want to sign an authorization form? 

It is possible that an employee may wish to share more information with his or her department about his or her medical condition so that a department can better provide reasonable accommodation to that employee in accordance with the provisions of the ADA  However, any employee contemplating the signing of an authorization, waiver, etc., should contact legal counsel before doing so.   

E. Is my statement to the doctor considered a compelled statement that cannot be used against me for any criminal purpose? 

An order that directs an employee to discuss his psychological state during a fitness for duty examination would appear to qualify as a compelled statement in accordance with the standards set forth in Lybarger v. City of Los Angeles, such that the statement could not be used against the employee for any criminal purpose.  However, as an exercise of caution, employees should request that the department provide a written order to cooperate in the fitness for duty examination, so that the compulsory nature of the discussion with the doctor is firmly established. 

This article is intended to provide general guidance to those subject to fitness for duty exams and cannot comprehensively address every issue.  However, involved officers should always avail themselves of the opportunity to contact legal counsel before attending the exam to make sure that their rights are best protected. 

About the Authors:   Bill Hadden and Robert Wexler are partners in the Santa Monica law firm of Silver, Hadden and Silver, which has specialized in representing public safety associations and their members for over 30 years.

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Vexatious Litigants - Litigants Who Won't Accept "No" (or "Yes") for an Answer

By Mark I. Levy MD, DLFAPA

Vexatious litigants[1] are individuals who burden the judicial process by repeatedly filing causes of action that are ultimately found to be without merit. Despite the considerable cost to the judicial system (and ultimately to society) little has been written about vexatious litigation and less has been done to understand the psychological motivations for vexatious litigation in order to better manage the problem. This is partly because in a constitutional democracy everyone is deemed to be "entitled to his (or her) day in court." The federal and state constitutions within the United States jealously protect citizens' right to submit their grievances to our judicial systems in order to resolve civil disputes in a timely and equitable manner. At the same time, the Court, already overburdened with the shear volume of litigation, is charged the responsibility to protect the integrity of our judicial system from abuse by a very small but very troublesome minority of litigants.

Internationally, notably few jurisdictions have attempted to formally address this problem(the exceptions being Australia, The United Kingdom and the State of California). Within the United States, only California has enacted statutory regulation of vexatious litigation.[2]

Forensic psychiatry is a subspecialty of the medical specialty of psychiatry that focuses upon the interface between law and the behavioral sciences. Since 1994, The American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology has offered qualified board certified psychiatrists the opportunity to be examined and if successful to obtain board certification in forensic psychiatry in addition to their certification in adult and/or child and adolescent psychiatry.

Like law, the profession of forensic psychiatry is practically divided between criminal and civil domains. Although there are many common elements between law and the practice of forensic psychiatry within civil and criminal matters, there are also several important differences. Within civil law, vexatious litigation has increasingly been recognized by the judiciary as a difficult problem to manage. Since vexatious litigants frequently represent themselves in propria persona, at least during some of the actions that they attempt to litigate, and since the judiciary has a responsibility to be more accommodating and helpful to such litigants who are not represented by licensed counsel, there Court is faced with a complex dilemma once it becomes apparent that a "pro per" litigant is in fact vexatious.

Only recently, however, have forensic psychiatrists begun to examine the motivations and possible psychopathology driving the litigious behavior of this individuals. The Courts' need to more effectively manage and legislatures' to more effectively regulate individuals who exhibit this problematical behavior. In order to assist the judiciary (as well as the legal profession) to more easily recognize the characteristics individuals fitting this profile, forensic psychiatrists and psychologists need to study and understand more fully the dynamics and motivations for this socially costly and troublesome behavior. This paper is an attempt to examine this infrequently explored terrain.

A triad of behavioral characteristics are frequently demonstrated by vexatious litigants:

1. A history of changing counsel more than once, coupled with at least one episode of representing themselves in Court in propria persona. Not surprisingly, competent counsel generally find a means to ethically remove themselves from the case after a period of poor client control. Sooner or later, usually after a time of appearing "pro per," these litigants find counsel who more or less identify with their client, presumably for reasons having to do with their own personal psychology. The result of this is an attorney-client dyad that is driven by a mission. No client control exists nor is it even recognized by plaintiff's counsel as lacking. Hence no settlement can ever occur.

2. Evidence of narcissistic and paranoid personality traits, obtained from psychiatric examination and psychological testing. These traits are generally manifested by attitudes expressed verbally or behaviorally (e.g., through physical appearance) conveying that the individual considers himself to be an exception, i.e., that the normal rules of behavioral conduct within a judicial process to which all litigants are expected to submit uniquely do not apply to him because he is allegedly special, having suffered abuse, humiliation and/or victimization unduly at the hands of alleged perpetrators, including judges, thereby entitling the vexatious litigant to exceptional status and accommodation by the Court. Not infrequently, although the source of alleged abuse is initially the defendant in a civil action, eventually the Court itself is drawn into this "dance" and is experienced from a paranoid perspective by the litigant, as itself also an abuser. Invariably, this is due to the Court attempting to impose a modicum of decorum on behavior of the litigant by invoking normal procedural requirements. As a result of this transformation of the Court, in the litigant's mind, from arbitrator to oppressor, the Court's responses may eventually be perceived as more persecutory and humiliating than was the alleged conduct of the original defendant.

3. A refusal to settle disputes through customary procedural channels of negotiation and even traditional litigation. These individuals wish to have their alleged suffering, humiliation and victimization witnessed on the stage of litigation. Their common fantasy is that unspecified "others" (the jury, initially the Court itself) will sympathize with suffering and offer some sort of illusoryl vindication and redemption. Consequently, not only do they characteristically refuse to accept negative judicial decisions, sometimes they will reject decisions in their own favor, if they believe that acceptance will terminate the litigation and their chances to obtain the imagined vindication. Although this may superficially appear to be perverse, it is in fact a direct product of their peculiar motivation to litigate in the first place, i.e., to have their alleged victimization witnessed, not to resolve conflict. Of course, such motivation leads to an endless quest because no degree of witnessing and acknowledgment of their pain can ever approach the unconditional love for which they long and thus "restore" the wounded narcissism and damaged self esteem of these individuals. If permitted to do so, they will attempt to appeal trial court decisions to the highest judicial levels.

Judicial Dilemma:

The judicial dilemma is to balance the rights of the individual to have his "day in Court" with the pressure to assure that justice for all is administered in a timely and expeditious manner by keeping judicial calendars moving and trying to urge disputing parties to utilize alternative methods of conflict resolution, To further complicate the task, as a result of a series of revisions of codes of judicial oversight and the evolution of commissions on judicial conduct during recent decades, trial court judges are charged with balancing their judicial demeanor with the requirement that they maintain decorum within the courtroom. When confronted by the behavior of a vexatious litigant, who behaves in a manner signifying that they are an exception to the usual rules of the Court, balancing judicial demeanor with courtroom decorum can present a formidable judicial challenge.

Two instances of where this complex dynamic can strain the litigation management skills of even the most experienced judge include civil cases brought by vexatious litigants and the emotionally charged disputes, including custody matters,  that are brought before a Family Court. In the former instance, as already mentioned, the litigant vehemently resists normal judicial suggestion and even the requirement that they engage in good faith in a process of alternative conflict resolution. Such efforts are perceived by these litigants as a threat to sustaining the ongoing litigation process which, as described above, for the vexatious litigant is an end unto itself. In the latter instance, custody battles and parental misconduct allegations are often presented in the service of punishing the other party. In the extreme, it is not unknown in family court for even a spousal batterer to attempt to highjack the Court proceedings as a way to continue their domination and victimization of their abused spouse.


[1] Vexatious litigation is legal action which is brought, regardless of its merits, solely to harass or subdue an adversary. It may take the form of a primary frivolous lawsuit or may be the repetitive, burdensome, and unwarranted filing of meritless motions in a matter which is otherwise a meritorious cause of action. It is considered an abuse of the judicial process and almost always brings down sanctions on the offender.

[2] Under California law (Code of Civil Procedure, section 391(b)) a vexatious litigant is someone in at least one of the following categories:

1. In the immediately preceding seven-year period has commenced, prosecuted, or maintained in propria persona at least five litigations other than in a small claims court that have been (i) finally determined adversely to the person or (ii) unjustifiably permitted to remain pending at least two years without having been brought to trial or hearing.

2. After a litigation has been finally determined against the person, (he or she) repeatedly relitigates or attempts to relitigate, in propria persona, either (i) the validity of the determination against the same defendant or defendants as to whom the litigation was finally determined or (ii) the cause of action, claim, controversy, or any of the issues of fact or law, determined or concluded by the final determination against the same defendant or defendants as to whom the litigation was finally determined.

3. In any litigation while acting in propria persona, repeatedly files unmeritorious motions, pleadings, or other papers, conducts unnecessary discovery, or engages in other tactics that are frivolous or solely intended to cause unnecessary delay.

4. Has previously been declared to be a vexatious litigant by any state or federal court of record in any action or proceeding based upon the same or substantially similar facts, transaction, or occurrence.

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Vexatious Litigant - example

Woman who sues at drop of hat may get hers

Ken Garcia    Tuesday, June 6, 2000
©2000 San Francisco Chronicle

SAN FRANCISCO -- The legal establishment may never completely catch up with Patricia A. McColm, but the karmic circle is closing in fast.

Because if time truly wounds all heels, McColm's number is just a few ticks away from coming up. And her departure from her abode near City College will mark a day of celebration for her neighbors and a large portion of the local court system, where Ms. McColm has made herself into a local, if unwanted, legend.

For those who haven't had the pleasure of being introduced to McColm, let me do the honors. She is the city's most infamous vexatious litigant -- a person who has sued so many people and agencies and businesses so many times that the courts ruled she could not bring another frivolous lawsuit without permission.

It didn't stop sweet Patty from trying, mind you -- she did manage to sue one neighbor for ``civil conspiracy'' recently and got a temporary restraining order against another prohibiting him from opening and shutting a side door. But now she's running from the law as much as she's pursuing it, and it's tough even for the Road Runner to speed in two directions at the same time.

Some of her neighbors were all but set to throw a block party when they found out that on Friday, the mortgage company that holds the note on her house was scheduled to have a foreclosure sale. It seems that the Witch of Westwood Park had not made any mortgage payments for nearly two years and was in arrears to the tune of $90,000.

Somehow, Patty managed to stave off the foreclosure sale another few weeks by filing another Chapter 11 brief, and sure enough, on Sunday, there was her house of horrors on Miramar Avenue advertised in the paper for $875,000, the scariest part being the line about ``for sale by owner.''

Having the uninitiated show up at McColm's door is kind of like walking in on Tony Perkins at the Bates Motel. You might survive the encounter, but it will haunt you for the rest of your life.

``I went out there just thinking it was a routine claim, when I encountered the most abusive, profane person I've ever met in my life,'' said insurance investigator Vic Pence, who handled a claim filed by McColm for water damage due to a leaky roof. ``Most people don't realize until it's too late that if you have the smallest dealing with her that you end up in the battle of your life.''

Mysteriously, just a few months after she had a new roof put on, someone managed to climb onto McColm's roof and drill and saw enough holes in it to let the water pour in. McColm naturally blamed her conspiratorial neighbors. Pence said the insurance company has ruled out that theory and has strong suspicions about how the holes got there, but the claim is still pending.

Still pending might be a good way to describe many of the legal adventures in McColm's past, but at least a few have been resolved. And you could bet the house, hers or yours, that more will follow.

In the past two decades, McColm has sued the federal government, the Bank of America, Kaiser, at least three department stores, a host of city workers, numerous private businesses, tenants, and at least two newspapers that printed articles about her. And when I called her yesterday to talk to her about the foreclosure sale and other matters, she told me she will sue me as well.

Like I say, she's consistent.

After she was denied tenure at San Francisco State University, she filed suit contending sex discrimination. When she failed the state bar the second time, she sued the state bar.

She has sued contractors. She has sued churches. She has sued people for unseen injuries she claimed to have incurred in at least nine car accidents. And she has sued her neighbors so many times that they could form their own support group, if they weren't so busy scrambling to retain legal counsel.

One poor neighbor, 27-year-old David Greenbaum, has been hounded by McColm for almost two decades, since she first filed a lawsuit to stop him and his brothers from playing basketball in their backyard. That suit lingered in the courts for eight years, and ended with McColm getting a nice little settlement of $5,000 from an insurance company. She recently filed a fresh ``civil conspiracy'' suit against him.

The last time I saw McColm she was in court fighting charges by the city that she ripped off renters at her house by demanding outrageous cash advances and then keeping the money after she terrorized them and all but forced them to leave. On more than one occasion, her tenants required police protection when they moved out.

She was finally forced to stop renting out rooms, but there's just no stopping McColm. If there is a loophole she will find it, if there's an angle, she will play it, and if there's a target, she will sue it.

That will help explain how McColm has managed to stay in her home despite having made no payments on it in almost two years, and how at the last minute, she managed to stave off the foreclosure sale and obviously hopes to sell her house in the interim and walk away with a tidy chunk of change.

There are a number of liens on her property due to claims filed by numerous contractors who say they worked on her house with a 10 percent deposit and are still waiting for the other 90 percent. The poor saps never knew anything about McColm until it was too late, but if they have any hope of ever seeing another penny, then their faith knows no bounds.

Just ask Mark Balisteri, who had the misfortune of moving into the property next to McColm's in October. Because of McColm's history, real estate agents were required to prepare packets of newspaper clippings and other information disclosing her history of legal abuse against her neighbors. Balisteri said he read it all -- and yet still believed he could just avoid her.

``You could read all that information and still not realize how unreasonable that woman is,'' he said. ``I thought, my wife and I don't have any kids, our dog doesn't bark, we could just never deal with her. We didn't think it could possibly be that bad.''

Think again. When he filed a permit to do some minor work on his house, McColm appealed it. Tied it up for months. Then she filed a harassment lawsuit against him claiming that he was slamming his side door to bother her. A judge, weary of her presence in his courtroom, granted a temporary restraining order barring the use of the door during certain hours, though it was later dismissed.

A lawyer for the mortgage company said McColm's attempts to stop the foreclosure sale are fairly routine and that she was ``entitled to her day in court.'' We had a good laugh over that one.

But Patty isn't laughing and her neighbors aren't celebrating. Not yet. Not when a lawsuit is just a phone call, or a ball bounce, or a church bell ring away.

For you can sue to stop church bells from ringing. But halting time is another matter -- and not one that can be settled by the courts.

You can reach Ken Garcia at (415) 777-7152, fax him at (415) 896-1107, or send him an e-mail note at garciak@sfgate.com.

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On Wearing Two Hats: Role Conflict in Serving as Both Psychotherapist and Expert Witness

Article by: Larry H. Strasburger, M.D., Thomas G. Gutheil, M.D., and Archie Brodsky, B.A.

Should psychotherapists serve as expert witnesses for their patients? Psychotherapists of all disciplines need to confront the potential clinical, legal, and ethical problems involved in combining the roles of treating clinician and forensic evaluator. As clinicians find themselves drawn into proliferating, often ambiguously defined contacts with the legal system, clarity in role definitions becomes crucial.

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What Psychological Factors Drive Civil Litigation?

What Drives Litigation? How Forensic Psychiatrists and Psychologists Assess Motivation

by Mark Levy, M.D.,

Forensic psychiatry and psychology is the application of psychiatric and psychological clinical knowledge and research to the practice of law where plaintiff’s (or criminal defendant’s) mental status is at issue. The forensic psychiatrist is an expert at making diagnostic and prognostic judgments that are informed by scientific research and clinical experience about whether a plaintiff’s subjectively experienced emotional distress and/or functional impairment can be plausibly related to the alleged accident, injury, or tort. In addition, the forensic psychiatrist considers whether and to what degree other factors (the patient’s pre-existing condition, the plaintiff’s motivation to seek compensation or to punish the defendant, the plaintiff’s legitimate righteous indignation at being wronged with an appropriate wish to seek justice and reparation, or some combination of any of the above) are entering into the plaintiff’s assertion that (s)he has been psychologically damaged and, were it not for the defendant’s action or conduct, the plaintiff would not be suffering from the particular condition that (s)he has alleged.

Forensic Psychiatry and Civil Law: Motivation

In addition to expertise in diagnosing mental disorders, the forensic psychiatrist has expertise in assessing motivation. A plaintiff’s motivation might be to seek damages to obtain necessary medical care and, as much as possible, restore his or her life to its pre-injury status and/or to punish the party that has injured him. At the opposite end of the spectrum, some plaintiffs engage in outright malingering (faking an injury or psychiatric illness) to make money. Sometimes, a plaintiff who is compelled to litigate, despite reasonable efforts at settlement, is driven by the desire to have his suffering witnessed (and thereby validated) on the stage of litigation while attempting to externalize all responsibility and punish the defendant whom he regards as responsible for all of his suffering. Not infrequently, various combinations of these factors are at work motivating the litigation. Teasing out the plaintiff’s motivation requires a considerable amount of clinical experience, skill, and acumen, as well as a familiarity with applicable state and federal law. A prospective client tells you he has suffered severe emotional stress (with or without physical injury) as a result of a car accident, or his employer’s actions, or his insurance company, or his doctor, or a drunk driver, or anyone who may have damaged, hurt, or injured him by accident through intentional or negligent conduct or for a variety of reason. If you are the attorney representing him, or if you are defending your client against his claim of personal injury, how do you assess whether or not the plaintiff is indeed suffering from a psychiatric disorder or injury and, if he is, whether it was causally related to the incident or alleged misconduct by the defendant? In essence, in order to adequately represent him (or defend against his allegations) the attorney seeks evidence based expert opinion to assess what is true and what is not about injuries and causation.. How do you determine what is the truth?

Questions to be Addressed by a Forensic Psychiatrist and Psychologist:

Only a forensic psychiatrist (or forensic psychologist) has the necessary training and experience to assess the plaintiff’s current psychological and psychiatric diagnosis, to make inferences about the plaintiff’s emotional state at the time of the accident or injury, and to determine if there is a plausible connection between that accident or injury and the plaintiff’s current mental state. The forensic psychiatrist has additional expertise to assess the possible medical (including medication) dimensions of the complaint. The forensic psychologist has unique training and experience to conduct objective psychological (and, if indicated, neuropsychological) tests of the plaintiff’s personality and, if appropriate, neurocognitive functioning. These two highly trained professionals work together in a complimentary fashion carefully seeking accurate, evidence based, diagnostic opinions and conclusions.

Among the questions usually addressed by a forensic psychiatrist conducting an IME in civil litigation are the following:

  1. Is this particular plaintiff suffering from a recognized mental disorder? That is, what is the diagnosis, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Psychiatric Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision, 2000 (DSM-IV(TR)?
  2. If (s)he is indeed suffering from a disorder, was that disorder caused or exacerbated by the events, incidents, or issues under dispute in the present lawsuit?
  3. Were there pre-existing psychological problems or psychiatric illnesses in the plaintiff’s medical history that were likely to have caused present symptoms of “damages,” even if the event(s) under dispute had never occurred?
  4. Specifically, does the plaintiff have a pre-existing personality disorder or other mental condition that predisposes the plaintiff to their current psychiatric symptoms and that may be at least as much the proximate cause of the current symptoms as were the incidents under dispute?
  5. Or, was the plaintiff functioning adequately prior to the event and, were it not for the disputed incident(s) or event(s), would still be functioning adequately and without significant impairment? • What is the most appropriate type and duration of treatment recommended for the plaintiff’s mental disorder(s)? • What is the likely cost of such treatment?
  6. To what extent (if any) and in what manner should the liability (and cost) of the plaintiff’s damages and future treatment be apportioned among various defendants, or between pre- and post-incident causative factors?

These can be weighty questions with significant financial and emotional consequences for both parties within a dispute. It goes without saying that the forensic psychiatrist must proceed cautiously and comprehensively when evaluating the entire range of data relevant to the plaintiff’s psychological complaints, including all medical records (including those predating the dispute), all relevant deposition transcripts, and other documentary evidence. Ultimately, the forensic psychiatrist must present the data and his conclusions with “reasonable medical probability” or “certainty” (i.e., with at least more than a fifty percent probability of accuracy).

Psychological Testing:

Psychological (and, when indicated, neurocognitive) testing is of enormous diagnostic value when conducting a forensic assessments. In our civil forensic practice, regardless of which side has retained us, virtually all plaintiffs are administered a battery of psychological tests including both “endorsement” type personality tests (such as the Minnesota Multifactorial Personality Inventory -2, the Personality Assessment Inventory, and others), and a projective test (The Rorschach Inkblot Test). Many examinees are also administered cognitive screening tests (such as selected subtests from the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale). Those who present with overt complaints of cognitive impairment or those for whom head trauma and possible traumatic brain injury are features of their medical history, are also administered a battery of neurocognitive tests. All of the psychological and neurocognitive test data is carefully analyzed by a forensic psychologist and/or neuropsychologist. An active process of collaboration between the forensic psychiatrist and psychologist (known colloquially as “case conferencing” in medicine) enables the forensic psychiatrist or psychologist to provide, evidence-based diagnostic conclusions with a high level of specificity and accuracy. The expert who has arrived at diagnostic conclusions in this manner is well prepared to confidently testify about evidence based diagnostic, causal and prognostic conclusions.

Mark Levy, M.D., a Distinguished Life Fellow of the American Psychiatric Association, is a psychoanalyst and, for more than thirty years, has been in full-time private practice of general and forensic psychiatry in Mill Valley, California. He is the medical director of Forensic Psychiatric Associate Medical Corporation (www.fpamed.com) and is certified by the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology in both General Psychiatry and Forensic Psychiatry. He is an assistant clinical professor within the Department of Psychiatry at the University of California-San Francisco, where he teaches in the Forensic Psychiatry Fellowship. He can be reached at mlevy@fpamed.com and welcomes your inquiries.

Subsequent posts to “What’s News” will, among other topics, feature psychological and neuropsychological discussions about the utility and limitations of particular psychological and neuropsychological test instruments.

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The Assessment of Malingering in Civil Litigation

The Assessment of Malingering in Civil Litigation

by Sarah A. Hall, PhD

The assessment of the likelihood that a plaintiff or claimant may be exaggerating, feigning, or malingering cognitive and/or emotional impairment is of paramount importance in a variety of civil and criminal cases. These include personal injury lawsuits and sentencing hearings, as well as disputes regarding medical disability and workers compensation cases.

There are a variety of approaches that forensic psychologists and neuropsychologists can use to help distinguish between more valid symptoms and complaints as opposed to those that are more consistent with exaggeration, feigning or malingering. Validity scales embedded in various tests of personality, such as the highly popular MMPI-2 or MMPI-2-RF (Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2nd Ed. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2nd Ed.-Revised Format) or the Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) can help to identify patterns of responding that raise concerns about the honesty or sincerity of a claimant’s self-report.

Performances on psychological and neuropsychological tests or tasks that involve overlapping cognitive functions can be analyzed for unlikely discrepancies or patterns of responding. Similarly, performances on formal tests and reported activities and functioning at work and/or home can be examined for unusual or unlikely discrepancies. Medical tests and exams, such as brain scans and evaluations done at the time of injury can be compared with self-reported symptoms as well as with performances on psychological and neuropsychological reports in order to find inconsistencies and/or unlikely patterns of results.

In addition, several tests, such as the Test of Memory Malingering (TOMM) and the Word Memory Test (WMT) have been developed which were designed specifically to help identify feigned or malingered memory impairment. Low scores on these tests, which can be completed successfully by most brain-injured individuals, help to identify individuals who are putting forth poor effort, exaggerating, or malingering cognitive impairment. Test performances can be analyzed for random responding, as well compared with average scores for groups of cognitively intact, as well as the average scores for brain injured and demented subjects.

The appropriate and overlapping use of these approaches can be quite successful in helping to identify those claimants who are exaggerating or feigning cognitive and/or emotional injuries. In combination with a thorough and detailed interview examination that includes personal, educational, employment and physical and mental health histories, as well as a comprehensive review of all available records, exaggerated or feigned claims frequently can be identified and disputes more easily resolved.

Sarah A. Hall, PhD
Adult and Pediatric Neuropsychologist
Forensic Psychiatric Associates Medical Corporation
shall@fpamed.com

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Shrink on the Couch: Deposing Mental Health Experts - PowerPoint

This was a talk presented by Mark Levy MD and Ronald Roberts PhD at Bar Association of San Francisco in September 12, 2007. Download "Deposing Mental Health Experts" powerpoint.pdf

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Assessing the Truth: How Forensic Psychiatrists & Psychologists Evaluate Litigants

Forensic psychiatrist Mark Levy MD and forensic neuropsychologist Ronald Roberts, PhD co-authored an article for San Francisco Attorney Magazine, Spring, May 2008. In it, they explain the process and methods used by forensic behavioral experts when conducting an evaluation of an individual as part of a legal proceeding. Download a pdf version of the article here.

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Deposing Mental Health Experts on Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)

Chapter 716, Lawyers' Guide to Medical Proof, Volume 4
edited by Marshall Houts, J.D., LexisNexis Mathew Bender
2002  Mark I. Levy MD co-author

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Moms Who Kill: When Depression Turns Deadly

by Mark I. Levy, MD, Deborah Michelle Sanders, Esq. and Stacy Sabraw
Psychology Today
December 2002
reprinted with permission

Summary: Postpartum mood disorders are more common than we realize: Up to 80 percent of new mothers experience mild depression within a year of giving birth. If the "baby blues" persist, depression can escalate to dangerous levels, influencing some women to experience psychosis and-in rare and tragic cases-to kill their offspring.

Postpartum mood disorders are more common than we realize: Up to 80 percent of new mothers experience mild depression within a year of giving birth. If the "baby blues" persist, depression can escalate to dangerous levels, influencing some women to experience psychosis and-in rare and tragic cases-to kill their offspring.

During the first six weeks after giving birth, Jennifer Moyer was grateful for her beautiful new son and supportive husband. Yet she wasn't herself. She felt somewhat irritable and was having difficulty sleeping. And just after her first postpartum physical checkup, things began to unravel-and fast. The feeling that some unnamed harm was coming to her son overwhelmed her; she became hyperprotective, not allowing anyone-even her husband-to hold the baby. One month later, after three sleepless nights, anxiety and fear consumed her to a point where her son had to be physically removed from her, and she was forcibly taken to the hospital. Moyer was in the throes of postpartum psychosis.

The focus of a lot of media attention recently, this illness gained a voice largely due to the story of Andrea Yates, the woman found guilty of drowning her five children in a bathtub in Texas last year. Yates, who has a long history of mental illness, confessed to jurors that Satan had ordered her to kill her children. Though diagnosed with postpartum psychosis, she was judged capable of discerning right from wrong and sentenced to life in prison.

Despite considerable research into the nature of postpartum mood disorders, there is still no clear medical consensus on what causes it and how it should be treated. "Having grown up expecting motherhood to be one of the best times of life, many women suffer alone, feeling miserable but unaware that postpartum mood disorders have a name," explains Karen Kleiman, M.S.W., founder and director of the Postpartum Stress Center in Philadelphia.

Discerning Symptoms

As many as 50 to 80 percent of all women experience some degree of emotional "letdown" following childbirth-the so-called "baby blues." Fortunately, its more extreme sister disorder, postpartum psychosis, is rare, affecting only about one in 1,000 new mothers.

The baby blues, though, are common for numerous reasons. The baby's crying and the mother's interrupted sleep and soreness from breast-feeding are enough to make any woman feel irritable, if not overwhelmed and tearful. These feelings typically begin three to four days after the baby is born, according to Kleiman, but normally dissipate on their own within a few weeks.

If the blues last for more than two weeks, however, the new mother may be suffering from a condition of intermediate severity, postpartum depression (PPD), a mood disorder on par with clinical depression. Twelve to 16 percent of women experience PPD, which results in feelings of despondency, inadequacy as a mother, impaired concentration or memory and/or loss of interest or pleasure in activities.

Some women, like Moyer, also become paralyzed with fear and concern for the baby's safety. If such symptoms appear, it is important to seek professional consultation to help differentiate PPD from other conditions such as obsessive-compulsive disorder. Symptoms of anxiety are frequently an aspect of clinical depression, but true obsessive-compulsive symptoms signify a different disorder that needs proper diagnosis and treatment.

Shoshana Bennett, Ph.D., a special-education teacher, began suffering from these types of anxious feelings almost immediately after giving birth. "I felt helpless and hopeless," Bennett says now. "I was so afraid someone was going to hurt my baby that every day after my husband went to work, I would place all movable furniture behind the front door."

Though debilitating, the emotional reactions to being a new mom that signify depression are not as severe as those associated with postpartum psychosis, of which the predominant symptom is a "break" with reality-a loss of the ability to discern what is real from what is not. For instance, a woman with PPD may experience violent thoughts about her baby but recognizes that those thoughts are wrong and potentially dangerous. In that case, she will not act on them.

A woman with full-fledged psychosis, however, has temporarily lost the judgment needed to make this assessment. Very often, a woman with psychosis experiences a frightening sense of merging-she can't differentiate between where she ends and where her baby begins. Psychotic merger is so terrifying that she may try to avoid losing her sense of self by either committing suicide or infanticide, also known as suicide by proxy.

This was the case with Andrea Yates, whose suicide attempts ended with the deliberate drowning of her children. Perhaps, in her mind, to prevent the "loss of self," she was compelled to kill her children or herself, or both.

Infanticide is a very rare phenomenon; only about 4 percent of women who become psychotic kill their babies. Perhaps even fewer tragedies would occur if proper education and treatment were more readily available.

Researchers who study infanticide distinguish several different groups of parents who murder their offspring. Some kill as a result of psychotic delusions-the dread of parent-child merger or the belief that the child is trying to harm or kill them. Others murder their children out of profound depression and hopelessness. Often they carry strong religious ideas that killing their child will enable them both to enter an afterlife more peaceful than their current life. Susan Smith, the South Carolina mother who attempted to drown herself and her children by driving her automobile into a lake, may be an example of someone in this group. Although Smith ended up killing her children but not herself.

Tragically, there are also parents who kill their children out of vengeance and rage against the other parent. They want to hurt the other parent by depriving them of their most cherished relationship. This type of infanticide is committed far more frequently by fathers.

Assessing the Source

As with most mental illnesses, what causes the onset of postpartum mood disorders is still a matter of research and debate. Much of the medical community believes these syndromes may be caused by chemical imbalances in the brain-specifically shifts in hormone levels. According to Postpartum Support International (PSI), a network of mental health professionals and others concerned with promoting postpartum mental health and social support, the most well-researched theory to date suggests that a sharp drop in estrogen and progesterone following delivery is the culprit.

Research currently under way at the National Institute of Mental Health is examining these hormone-mediated mood shifts and Victor Pop, Ph.D., of the University of Tilburg in the Netherlands, recently presented his own findings at the annual meeting of London's Royal College of Psychiatrists, suggesting that women who produce certain thyroid antibodies during pregnancy were nearly- three times more likely to experience depression after childbirth.

"I think there will be a role for hormones in treating postpartum illnesses in the future," says Valerie Raskin, M.D., clinical associate professor at the University of Chicago. "[Hormones] will probably be used as a treatment first, then later as a preventive measure. The reproductive process may be the kindling, and the drop in hormones after childbirth may be the ember that starts the fire."

Various nonhormonal factors may also contribute to postpartum disorders of mood. Some studies suggest a relationship between a traumatic obstetric experience and PPD. Women who had caesarean deliveries, for instance, were significantly more susceptible to mood disorders as noted in one study appearing in the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry.

Thyroid disease may also be a physiological trigger, suggests research by Stephen Pariser, M.D., a psychiatrist and mood-disorders specialist at Ohio State University Medical Center. Women's thyroid levels drop significantly after giving birth, and low thyroid levels have long been associated with depression-like symptoms. Having a personal or family history of mood disorders also increases the odds of developing PPD, pointing to a possible genetic factor.

Women who develop PPD or postpartum psychosis following delivery have a significantly greater risk of developing these conditions after subsequent childbirth. These women should be counseled about future pregnancies. If they do conceive additional children, careful psychiatric monitoring is mandatory.

Certainly, social elements also play an integral role in postpartum well-being. One important factor is a lack of social support, which includes poor relationships with others and insufficient childcare during the pre- and postnatal period. Strong support systems can help nurture and maintain self-esteem at stressful times, Kleiman asserts. "In turn, high levels of self-esteem are linked with adaptive coping behaviors-feeling entitled to ask for help, for example."

As a society, we tend to romanticize motherhood, creating a disparity between a woman's expectations and the reality that she will experience. "Society reinforces the myth of the perfect baby in the arms of the perfect mother, with all her maternal instincts intact," says Kleiman. "When there is a significant discrepancy between what a woman anticipates and what she actually experiences, guilt, confusion and great unhappiness can result."

In addition to societal pressures, personal adversities such as loss of a loved one, marital conflict or lack of financial security, can put some women at greater risk, according to PSI. Lifestyle and role changes also create internal conflict and stress: A new mother may lose the independence, spontaneity, personal time, sleep and physical shape that she once had, along with her role as an attention-drawing pregnant woman or as a career woman. Finally, she may simply miss adult company in general. "Women with PPD will find adapting to these losses especially difficult," Kleiman notes, "because of their increased vulnerability."

Mending Mothers

Most experts agree that combining talk therapy with medication seems the most successful approach to treating PPD. "Medication is warranted," Raskin explains, "because the situation is urgent and the quickest treatment makes sense." Depending upon the patient, psychotherapy may be combined with both group support and medication, which is prescribed according to the patient's individual symptoms while monitoring the various drugs' side effects.

The most commonly prescribed are the newer antidepressants including Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, Celexa, Wellbutrin, Serzone and Effexor, as well as anti--anxiety drugs such as Ativan, Lorazepam and Klonopin. When the underlying cause of PPD is bipolar affective disorder, mood stabilizers-Lithium or Depakote, for instance-are also appropriate.

For women experiencing postpartum psychosis, more aggressive treatment is required. These mothers may be a threat to both themselves and their babies. Psychiatric hospitalization, as well as anti-psychotic and other psychiatric medications, is standard treatment along with individual, group or cognitive behavioral psychotherapy.

And because at least half of women with PPD experience a recurrence of the illness after having another child, responsible parenting necessitates careful thought and medical planning before deciding to get pregnant again. Once PPD is present, "all resources must go toward treating the mother," advises Raskin. "Stress of any sort, including the stress of caring for children, will prevent the mother from healing."

Preventing PPD

Effective prevention would help render treatment less necessary, avert emotional damage to children and potentially save lives. Shoshana Bennett is one mother who might have benefited from preventive measures. Instead, her childbirth classes concentrated on breathing techniques and what to pack for the hospital. And during her first postpartum checkup, Bennett's obstetrician glossed over her weight gain of 40 pounds and uncontrollable weepiness.

When Bennett mentioned to her family that she was having a difficult time, her mother-in-law-a postpartum nurse for 20 years-told Bennett's husband, "Shoshana is a mother now. She needs to stop complaining and just do it." Bennett's own mother was supportive but, despite her background in therapy, failed to recognize the signs of serious emotional illness. Bennett also began seeing a psychologist, who only probed for issues in her past. Eventually, about two years after the birth of each of her two children, Bennett's obsessive concerns finally faded on their own.

Several years later, Bennett happened to see a television program on postpartum depression. "I cried for an hour, looked at my husband and said, 'That's me!'" she says. Afterward, she earned her Ph.D. in clinical psychology and founded a self-help group for postpartum disorder sufferers. Then in 1992, she was named president of the Post-partum Health Alliance, a California state organization.

Today, the discussion of postpartum mood disorders is often inadequate in reference manuals. General physicians can find the terms postnatal depression, postpartum depression and puerperal psychosis in the International Classification of Diseases manual, says Cheryl Meyer, Ph.D., J.D., an associate psychology professor at Wright State University in Dayton, Ohio. "However, they may only use these diagnoses for patients whose symptoms do not meet criteria for other disorders, such as depression," she explains.

Jennifer Moyer, now a coordinator for PSI and a postpartum support consultant, understands firsthand why medical professionals need to pay more attention to postpartum mood disorders. For her, recovery came after two years of medication, therapy and family support, and she believes that talking to someone who has experienced a severe postpartum mood disorder firsthand is essential for recovery. She now combines her own experience with her background in health care marketing to advocate for education and prenatal and postnatal screening.

Until the health insurance industry and government agencies are willing to allocate sufficient resources to guarantee the presence of skilled psychiatrists and psychologists on pre- and postnatal-care teams, assessing and treating postpartum mood disorders will continue to fall through the cracks. Both Moyer and Bennett join other health care professionals in the hope that efforts to focus on women's emotional needs before and after pregnancy will gain momentum. This effort will help other women and their families avoid disabling yet treatable illnesses or, tragically, from having to endure another preventable murder of an innocent infant.

Mark Levy, M.D., FAPA, is an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at the University of California at San Francisco.

Attorney Deborah Sanders, Esq., practices law in San Francisco.

Stacy Sabraw is a freelance journalist based in New York City.

© Copyright 2001-2002 Sussex Publishers

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The "Eggshell Plaintiff" Revisited: Causation of Mental Damages in Civil Litigation

The Commission on Mental and Physical Disability Law Reporter
by Mark I. Levy, MD, FAPA and Saul E. Rosenberg, PhD

Download EggshellPlaintiff.pdf

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The Stigma of Mental Illness in the United States

By Mark I. Levy, M.D.

America today is plagued with a pandemic prejudice against those suffering with mental illness that is crippling our nation. Our society equates mental illness with moral weakness, causing individuals to deny their mental suffering out of fear that they will appear to be morally culpable for it.  In so doing, we are telling these individuals that they are inadequate and not meeting socially acceptable standards

We don't moralize about physical pain.  For example, when someone has a broken leg, we don't advise him to, "Shake it off."  Yet, if the same individual describes his symptoms of depression, we encourage him to, "Get out and exercise...pull yourself up by your bootstraps...you'll get over it."  Such advice is useless, inappropriate and blames the sufferer for his illness.

Rather than give in to the great desire to deny the disability caused by mental illness, we need to acknowledge that mental illness is just as valid as physical illness.  We need to view emotional symptoms with the same clinical, objective manner as physical symptoms.  Only then, can we reach out to provide the treatment that will help those suffering and aid them to become contributing members of our society.

Face the Facts of Mental Illness

No. of Americans Suffering from Mental Illness

  • As many as 80 percent of people suffering from mental illnesses can effectively return to normal, productive lives if they receive appropriate treatment.
  • During any one-year period, up to 50 million Americans, more than 22 percent, suffer from a clearly diagnosable mental disorder involving a degree of incapacity that interferes with employment, attendance at school or daily life.

Cost of Mental Illness to Society

  • The direct costs of support and medical treatment of mental illnesses total $55.4 billion a year.
  • The indirect costs, such as lost employment, reduced productivity, criminal activity, vehicular accidents and social welfare programs increase the total cost of mental and substance abuse disorders to more than $273 billion a year.

Efficacy of Treatment for Mental Disorders

  • Medications relieve acute symptoms of schizophrenia in 80 percent of cases, but only about half of all people with schizophrenia seek treatment.
  • With therapy, 80 to 90 percent of the people suffering from depressive disorders can get better, but fewer than one-third of those suffering seek treatment.
  • Refinements of lithium carbonate, used in treating manic-depressive (bipolar) disorder, have led to an estimated annual savings of $8 billion in treatment costs and lost productivity associated with bipolar disorder.
  • Studies of psychotherapy by the National Institute of Mental Health have shown it to be very effective in treating mild to moderate depression.

Statistics gathered from the American Psychiatric Association's web site: www.psych.org.

To interview Dr. Lamia on the topic of social interaction and radio talk shows or Dr. Levy regarding the stigma of mental illness in our society, please call Mary Tressel, Media Consultant, at 925-686-2958.

News Room is published as a service to the media by the San Francisco Foundation for Psychoanalysis.

Scientific Editor: Mark Levy, M.D. (415) 388-8040

Executive Director: Sandra Schaaf (415) 563-6065

Managing Editor: Mary Tressel (925) 686-2958

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Overcoming Obstacles to the Independent Examination of Emotional Damages Defense

Comment
Spring 2004
by Saul Rosenberg, PhD & Mark Levy, MD

Download OvercomingObstacles.pdf

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Determining Mental Disabilities and Obligations of Employers Under the ADA and FEHA

Mark I. Levy, M.D., Jonathan Mook, Esq., and Saul Rosenberg, Ph.D.
Special to Law.com
November 29, 2001

Although federal and state laws prohibit employment discrimination against individuals with physical and mental disabilities and require an employer to make reasonable accommodations for both kinds of disabilities, interpreting and implementing the law with regard to mental disabilities has proven very difficult. The process of diagnosing mental disorders such as depression or anxiety, specifying the related functional impairments, and suggesting accommodations is inherently more complex than providing wheelchair access.

In order to effectively respond to issues that may arise in dealing with employees who have psychiatric disorders, it is important to approach the matter not just from a legal standpoint, but from psychiatric and psychological perspectives as well.

In this article, we will define "mental disability" under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) as well as the California Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA). We will describe who is considered qualified for protection, what constitutes a disabling psychiatric disorder, and the roles of a forensic psychiatrist and psychologist in making this determination. The important question of what constitutes reasonable accommodation for persons with psychiatric disabilities (including issues related to fitness for duty evaluations) and the consultative role of a forensic psychiatrist and psychologist in recommending accommodations and performing evaluations will be examined in a subsequent article.

WHO ARE DISABLED UNDER FEDERAL AND STATE LAW?

An analysis of the workplace protections afforded to individuals with psychiatric disabilities must start with a discussion of who is covered under applicable statutes. Over ten years ago, Congress enacted the landmark Americans with Disabilities Act, which prohibits discrimination against individuals with disabilities, defined as a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities. The Act also protects those who may not currently have a disabling impairment but have a record of such an impairment or are regarded by the employer as having such an impairment.

In 1999, the U.S. Supreme Court held that in determining whether an individual comes within the ADA statutory definition of disability, the extent of the limitation resulting from the person's physical or mental impairment must be assessed in light of any mitigating measures, including medication. The Supreme Court's ruling had the effect of severely constricting the number of persons who could claim coverage under the federal statute.

California also has its own legal protections for persons with disabilities under the California Fair Employment and Housing Act. The statute generally has been interpreted in line with the requirements of the ADA. However, in response to the Supreme Court's narrow interpretation of the ADA definition of disability, the California legislation amended the FEHA to provide that the impact of any limitations on major life activities due to a physical or mental impairment is to be assessed without regard to mitigating measures. In addition, the limitation need only make achievement of a major life activity "difficult." Thus, while an individual with depression who functions quite well as a result of taking Prozac or another antidepressant, in all likelihood, may not be covered under the ADA. The same person, however, would be covered under the FEHA, as long as the depression, without regard to the use of Prozac, makes achievement of a major life activity merely difficult.

The following case hypotheticals contrast two depressed employees, one of whom, Fred, is not protected by the ADA or FEHA because, despite his symptoms, he is nevertheless able to function in the major areas of his life and is experiencing no added difficulty in performing major life activities. Sally's condition, on the other hand, appears sufficiently limiting to be covered under the FEHA and ADA.

Fred is a chartered accountant with chronic moderate depression who despite his depressive symptoms is able to work in his office doing tax planning and preparing returns for his clients. Although his range of life activities has always been limited, his functioning both in life and at work is no different than it has ever been.

Sally is also an accountant suffering from recurring depression. In contrast to Fred, she has experienced during the last year increasing difficulty sleeping for more than a few hours at a time, concentrating on her work, and interacting with colleagues and clients. She has recently cancelled client appointments and arrived late for work. Falling significantly behind in her work, she feels mounting guilt and self-recrimination. Sally's depressive disorder has resulted in a dramatic decline in her functioning both in life and at work.

ESTABLISHING COVERAGE UNDER ADA AND FEHA

The diagnosis of a psychiatric disorder is usually sufficient to establish coverage under the FEHA because, in virtually all cases, the disorder may be said to make the achievement of a life activity "difficult." However, the same will not be true for establishing coverage under the ADA. The mental disorder must cause a substantial impairment in a major life activity for protection under the ADA. For example, an individual may be depressed with subjective symptoms of blue mood, pessimism about the future, and guilt without exhibiting significant impairment in life activities. In contrast, another individual with the same diagnosis of depression may be chronically fatigued, unable to concentrate, and lack motivation to an extent that the depression substantially interferes with many of the person's major life activities. [FOOTNOTE 1]

Thus, it is critical that psychiatrists and psychologists who diagnose individuals with a particular mental disorder indicate the person's specific functional impairment and not just describe mental disorders based upon the self-reporting of subjective distress. It is also important that the mental health evaluator indicate specific life and other job functions that are affected by a disorder and not merely provide general categories of functioning that are impaired. For example, when describing impaired work functioning, it is inadequate to merely say that the claimant experiences stress in the workplace. It is appropriate to say that the employee becomes anxious when working in an open plan office environment where the noise of other employees interferes with concentration.

PSYCHIATRIC DIAGNOSTIC CONSIDERATIONS

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, currently in its fourth edition, text revision, published by the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-IV-TR), is recognized in California as the authoritative psychiatric diagnostic text. (See Money v. Krall (1982) 128 Cal. App. 3d. 378.) Furthermore, the courts have generally relied upon experts to diagnose mental disorders by the criteria delineated in the DSM.

A mental disorder, as defined by the DSM-IV-TR, involves a psychological pattern or syndrome occurring in an individual that is associated with one or all of the following conditions:

1. The individual experiences subjective distress. For example, the person may experience a painful psychological symptom like anxiety or depression;

2. The individual is impaired in one or more important areas of life functioning, such as the capacity to work, raise a family, or care for personal health;

3. The individual may experience a significantly increased risk of disability, injury, or loss of freedom;

4. The behavioral syndrome is not an expected response to a normal stressful life event, such as brief bout of depression following the death of a loved one.

Diagnoses are made on a matrix of five axes according to the DSM-IV-TR classification. The most frequent mental disorders that may find protection under the ADA (and FEHA) are the clinical syndromes of mood disorders, anxiety disorders, and psychotic disorders, including conditions such as panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, major depression, and bi-polar disorder (manic depressive illness). These disorders are listed in the DSM under Axis I, the major clinical syndromes. However, some clinical syndromes are specifically not covered under ADA, including illegal drug use, drinking on the job, criminal pathology such as compulsive fire setting or stealing, and behaviors that are "personality traits."

In addition to symptomatic syndromes listed on Axis I, personality disorders described on Axis II are enduring and rigid patterns of behavior, thinking, and feeling that are maladaptive and may lead to distress (sometimes in oneself and sometimes in others). For example, an individual who has a paranoid personality disorder is highly suspicious and vigilant and may feel threatened much of the time, whereas a person with an antisocial personality disorder may feel little subjective distress but harm others by impulsive, self-gratifying behavior.

Axis I and II diagnoses are not mutually exclusive. Frequently, both are present. The presence of a personality disorder may exert a determining influence upon the behavior that gives rise to an ADA or FEHA claim. For example, some individuals with paranoid personality disorders continually believe that people with whom they work and associate are victimizing them. Such individuals have little or no capacity to recognize their own role in bringing about the very circumstance that they experience as persecutory. It requires expert psychiatric and psychological judgment to distinguish specious claims of victimization motivated primarily by paranoia from legitimate complaints where paranoid traits have either been exacerbated by a real injury or are unrelated to the acute emotional damages. The following are hypothetical examples of Axis I, II, and combined Axis I & II psychiatric diagnoses.

Example of an Axis I Disorder:

Nancy, an unmarried woman of thirty-six, has worked for nine years as a devoted secretary to a senior partner of law firm. Uncharacteristically, she enters an impulsive love affair with a charming, but married, younger attorney at the firm. When other partners learn of the affair, Nancy decides to accept a position at an office of the firm located in a distant city. At the new office, she becomes profoundly depressed, ruminating about lost time and missed opportunities for marriage. She is tearful, arrives late to work, experiences difficulty concentrating, has thoughts of suicide, experiences menstrual irregularities and, for the first time in her fifteen-year career, does not complete assignments. Nancy's gynecologist refers her to a psychiatrist who diagnoses her as having a Major Depressive Episode, Severe, without Psychotic Features.

Example of an Axis II Disorder:

Sam, a recently divorced forty-eight year-old civil engineer, is employed by an engineering firm where he is assigned to specific projects. He is generally distrustful of the work product of anyone other than himself, delegates little or nothing to subordinates, avoids shared responsibilities, and even rejects offers to go to lunch with coworkers. He tends to be critical and dismissive of the quality of work performed by his engineering colleagues.

Sam not only boasts an inflated view of his own professional ability but also assumes that he will be assigned to all major projects that the firm obtains. When his company lands a lucrative consulting contract, he is not invited to join the project team and is placed on a temporary lay-off. He subsequently develops feelings of rage and blames his exclusion on the alleged "stupidity and incompetence" of a particular senior manager as well as the "envy" of his colleagues.

At work and at home, he withdraws into a pattern of fitful sleep and solitary brooding. Sam develops the belief that several colleagues have "conspired" to thwart his career. He entertains fantasies of revenge and leaves several veiled threatening messages on the voicemails of management. As a result of these messages and concern about whether Sam poses a direct threat to the health and safety of other employees, the firm's human resources director informs Sam that he is being placed on medical leave of absence. Before he may return to his job, he must submit to a "fitness for duty" examination. The psychiatrist selected by the firm who examines Sam diagnoses him as suffering from a Paranoid Personality Disorder with Narcissistic Features.

Example of combined Axis I and an Axis II Disorder:

John, a fifty-two-year-old married "workaholic" CPA, is characteristically brusque and irritable with associates in his accountancy practice. Although usually quiet and compulsive in his work habits, he periodically explodes with frustration and rage, often shouting abusive epithets at assistants who have not performed to his expectations. On one or two occasions, John has actually thrown a paperweight across his office, smashing a glass bookcase door and the glass cover of his own desk. During his twenty years' tenure at the firm, more than a half-dozen secretaries and younger associates have left their employment due to his abusive and humiliating behavior.

One morning during tax season, John Suddenly develops crushing chest pain and is taken by ambulance to the local hospital emergency room where he is admitted to the coronary care unit. After extensive medical and cardiac evaluation, John is told by the cardiologist that his coronary arteries are "clean as a whistle" and that although he has not suffered a heart attack, he has indeed experienced a severe panic attack. The doctor refers John to a psychiatrist who diagnoses him as suffering from an anxiety disorder (Panic Attacks) as well as an Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder.

THE ROLE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTING

A comprehensive set of psychological tests can provide objective data about the nature, extent and severity of a mental disorder and related functional impairments. A comprehensive test battery might include self-report questionnaires (such as the MMPI-2), cognitive and intellectual problem-solving tasks (such as the Wechsler Intelligence Scales, and indirect tests, called "projective tests" because the individual may reveal personality traits through their images, responses, and stories). By employing different methods for gathering data, a psychologist can search for patterns occurring across many different kinds of tests that are likely to be more diagnostically reliable and valid than if only a single test is utilized. To be maximally accurate, test data should be interpreted within the overall context of the person's history and current functioning.

The most widely used self-report test, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), offers a procedure for gathering and interpreting behavior under standardized conditions of administration, test scoring, and interpretation. The individual's pattern of test responses can be scored by computer and yield objective interpretations. For example, a computer program sums up all the items an individual endorses as true about himself related to depression. A report is issued that provides an indication of just how severely that individual is depressed compared to the normal population. In addition, there is a large database of research that correlates particular test scores with behavior characteristics. For example, individuals with significantly elevated scores on the "Paranoia scale" are generally described by others as suspicious and mistrustful.

Test responses, especially on self-report questionnaires, can never be taken at face value because individuals may have a variety of motivations to create a particular impression through their test answers. Some individuals may exaggerate the extent and severity of their symptoms, while others may minimize their psychological distress. Some objective tests like the MMPI-II have "validity" scales that measure -- although not perfectly -- the degree to which persons are motivated to present a particular impression regarding the nature and extent of their illness.

Another check on the validity of a self-report test is to administer the Rorschach Inkblot Test in which there are no obvious cues about how to respond to create a particular kind of impression. Over the last twenty-five years, a large research database has been created that can be utilized for reliable interpretation and scoring of data. Indirect tests such as the Rorschach can be especially revealing of personality traits that may not be acknowledged in a self-report questionnaire.

Often, a disagreement arises as to the amount of time that may be devoted to testing an individual or even whether the person should be tested at all. This conflict is frequently based upon the misunderstanding that psychological testing represents a duplication of the forensic psychiatrist's efforts. In a properly conducted evaluation, there should be no overlap between the evaluation activity of a forensic psychiatrist who conducts clinical interviews and reviews medical and treatment records and that of a psychologist who administers, scores, and interprets the psychological tests.

Psychological assessment is a separate activity from interviewing and record reviewing and provides a different type of data. Accordingly, sufficient time must be allowed for comprehensive psychological testing. Using the test results, a professional can draw a diagnostic conclusion by pointing to objective evidence that was used in forming a particular opinion. Moreover, other professionals trained to evaluate psychological test data can critically examine the basis for that opinion.

In this respect, psychological testing can play a very important role in the scientific evaluation of individuals who are disabled by psychiatric disorders. By providing objective reliable data, psychologists can help to distinguish the truly disabled from those who may claim to be disabled but do not have scientifically verifiable mental disorders and impairments.

The determination of whether a person has a psychiatric disability covered under the FEHA or ADA is best made by highly trained forensic psychiatric and psychological professionals. Unlike medical judgments about a physical disability, an opinion about psychiatric impairment should be based upon the review of the broadest array of data, including independent medical evaluations; personal interviews; detailed psychiatric and psychological review of all available clinical documentary evidence, treatment records, deposition transcripts, and employment records; and the administration of a comprehensive set of psychological tests to confirm or rule out diagnostic hypotheses. Such judgments are best made by experienced experts utilizing the best scientific methods available to delineate all the psychological motivations of an individual, both conscious and unconscious, together with the neurobiological and psychopharmacological factors that affect human behavior and underlie claims of psychiatric disability.

Mark Levy has been practicing full-time clinical psychiatry and psychoanalysis in Mill Valley, Calif., for 26 years. He has developed and taught CLE courses sponsored by the Bar Association of San Francisco and the State of California Bar, focusing on job stress, stress disorders, substance abuse, emotional issues in legal practice, and workplace safety. Visit his Web site at www.lawandpsychiatry.com.

Jonathan R. Mook is a partner in the Alexandria, Virginia firm of DiMuro, Ginsberg & Mook, P.C., where his practice includes general litigation and counseling employers in all aspects of employment law. Mr. Mook is a graduate of Yale Law School and is the author of two legal treatises: The Americans with Disabilities Act: Employee Rights and Employer Obligations and The Americans with Disabilities Act: Public Accommodations and Commercial Facilities. He can be reached at jmook@dimuro.com.

Saul Rosenberg, Ph.D. practices clinical and forensic psychology, including evaluation and psychological testing of individuals with traumatic injuries, anxiety, and depression, as well as personality traits and disorders. He has served as expert witness on over 35 personal injury cases to both plaintiff and the defense trial attorneys. He is an associate clinical professor of psychiatry and associate research psychologist at UCSF. Visit his Web site at www.rosenbergphd.com.

This article appeared in the September issue of San Francisco Attorney Magazine ©2001. Reprinted with permission.

::::FOOTNOTES::::


FN1 The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission has identified the following major life activities as being relevant to the assessment of psychiatric disabilities: thinking, concentrating, interacting with others, and sleeping. The impact upon a person's major life activity of working should be considered only if none of the other major life activities of the individual is substantially impaired.

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Shrink in the Courtroom: Forensic Psychiatry and Law

by Mark Levy, M.D.

This is the first in a series of articles about forensic psychiatry as it is utilized in civil litigation. In this article, I will describe how a forensic psychiatrist can be useful to trial attorneys in civil litigatio